Futebol e política: a criação do Campeonato Nacional de Clubes de Futebol

A presente dissertação busca analisar como o Campeonato Brasileiro de Clubes de Futebol – desde sua gênese - está correlacionado com o projeto político do governo militar que chegou ao poder através do golpe civil-militar de 1964. A criação do mesmo está intimamente relacionada à busca de legitimidade do regime, através do crescimento econômico e da formulação de uma intensa propaganda ufanista. A compreensão do cenário político das décadas de 1960 e 1970 é fundamental, uma vez que este tem ligações diretas com as estratégias escolhidas pelos atores envolvidos no processo de criação e consolidação do Campeonato Brasileiro, além de abrir caminhos para questionamentos sobre a relação entre eventos esportivos e seus usos por políticos, já que envolve o entendimento de fenômenos de representação . Com a falência do modelo econômico posto em prática até então, e o consequente início do projeto de distensão, eram necessários novos mecanismos de legitimação do regime, ampliando-se a participação política da população. Nestes dois momentos portanto, – de auge do crescimento econômico e de crise do regime - de forma diferenciada, o Campeonato Nacional pode ser usado para analisar tentativas de cooptação da opinião pública ou mesmo de votos. Como veremos, nem sempre esta tentativa foi bem sucedida.

Extra! Extra!: os jornaleiros e as bancas de jornais como espaço de disputas pelo controle da distribuição da imprensa e da economia política dos meios

Parafraseando Robert Ezra Park, os jornaleiros têm uma história; mas os jornaleiros têm, ainda, uma história natural. A evolução do modelo de distribuição e comercialização de publicações impressas, que culmina nas modernas bancas de jornais, aponta para o tratamento de licenças e concessões para a operacionalização de uma atividade comercial em espaço público urbano. As bancas se constituem, portanto, em um espaço regulado pelo poder público e operacionalizado por iniciativa privada, a título precário. Por que se chegou a este modelo e quais as suas implicações é uma das principais questões abordadas por este trabalho. Entre outros pontos, esta tese tem como objetivo compreender (1) em que medida políticos e homens públicos são capazes de atuar na regulação da liberdade de imprensa através do controle e fiscalização sobre as bancas de jornais; (2) como se dão as articulações dos profissionais vendedores e distribuidores de jornais e revistas diante destas regulações, quais são suas reivindicações comuns e como é construída sua memória em torno destas ações; (3) em que circunstâncias se desenvolvem as negociações entre jornaleiros e homens de imprensa e como estas relações são capazes de ampliar a penetração de determinados impressos junto ao público, atuando de maneira decisiva na conformação da opinião pública; e, finalmente, (4) qual a importância dos jornaleiros e das bancas de jornais e revistas no processo histórico de construção política da opinião sobre a notícia e na apreensão social da informação nas grandes cidades. Nesse sentido, embora evidenciado pelo modelo atual de distribuição adotado pelas principais cidades do país, o papel dos jornaleiros como agentes de fundamental relevância cultural e política na cadeia produtiva dos periódicos impressos tem sido subjugado ante a análises que se concentram nas técnicas ou no discurso jornalístico, quando muito nas cercanias dos estudos de recepção e na apropriação da cultura popular – jamais na investigação sobre esta instituição que silenciosamente tem ocupado nosso imaginário por todos esses anos: as bancas de jornais e revistas.

Domestic violence in Brazil: social problems and legislative interventions

Recent statistical data confirms that domestic violence is a structural problem of exceptional gravity. We analyze the frequent legislative changes in Brazil since 2000 as a result of social pressure for protection of abused women. Only the Law 11.340 of 2006 was well received by lawyers, judges and the public opinion. We present the innovations and peculiarities of this statute and the allegations on unconstitutionality. We discuss cases of judicial review of this law and reject the arguments of unconstitutionality. That notwithstanding, we argue that penalization decisions is the wrong way from a criminological point of view because they do not take into consideration the desires and needs of the victims.

Sacredness of the constitutional text and interpretative heresy: the Brazilian Supreme Court decision on same-sex civil unions

The paper provides a close lecture of the arguments and methods of legal construction, employed in the extensive individual opinions written by the Justices of the Brazilian Supreme Court in the case which authorized the same sex civil union. After tracing an outline of the legal problem and his possible solutions, we analyze the individual opinions, showing their methodological syncretism, the use of legal methods and arguments in a contradictory way as well the deficiencies in the reasoning. The Justices use legal arguments, but do not meet the requirements of rationality in the decision-making. We have a rhetorical attempt that aims to satisfy the public opinion than to offer a comprehensive and coherent solution according the normative elements of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.

A intervenção estatal sobre o mercado bancário no Brasil por meio dos bancos públicos: a tentativa de redução dos spreads em 2012

As taxas de juros cobradas pelos bancos têm sido alvo constante de críticas por parte da opinião pública e de preocupação por parte do governo. Uma das razões para essas altas taxas, além do nível elevado da taxa básica de juros SELIC, são os altos spreads cobrados pelos bancos. Uma das formas para tentar diminuir esse nível é aumentar a competitividade entre os bancos. Entretanto, uma suposta dificuldade para se atingir um maior nível de competição é o grau de concentração bancária existente hoje no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o governo brasileiro pressionou o mercado bancário para reduzir seus spreads e taxas durante o primeiro semestre de 2012, um período de aparente estabilidade macroeconômica e de forte queda da taxa SELIC. A pressão exercida pelo governo surtiu efeito, inicialmente sobre os bancos públicos, e, posteriormente, sobre os bancos privados, que anunciaram publicamente a redução de taxas para diversas operações. Este trabalho buscou entender as dimensões e origens dos efeitos desse posicionamento do governo sobre os spreads e a rentabilidade dos maiores bancos brasileiros. Como resultado, observou-se a efetividade da atuação governamental na redução do spread ex post, da rentabilidade das operações de crédito (proxy da taxa) e da rentabilidade geral dos bancos públicos e privados. Apesar disso, houve recuo por parte dos bancos privados na concessão de crédito apontando para o poder de mercado dessas instituições e levantando dúvidas sobre a real capacidade da utilização dos bancos públicos para fomentar maior competitividade em um ambiente de incerteza econômica.

Imagens e contra-imagens do estado": considerações sobre a sociedade civil em Gramsci e Habermas

The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

Habitus e territorialidade na composição da dinâmica imobiliária em Natal/RN

Many have sought to understand the spatial processes, which originate from land development and real estate dynamics, seeking also to build new categories of analysis to put some light on the less evident aspects of this process. The discussion about production of space has been adopted in this study, but has proved insufficient to explain this complex urban reality. Here, it is analysed the ways that, in Natal, the market fosters the material basis for capital accumulation. The research had as methodological basis, the analysis of discourse, having full interviews with institutional agents as background. It aimed at understanding the complex, material configuration in urban space. It thus investigates the theory of practices of existing (private and public) agents towards the real estate market, using several concepts, like production of space (Lefèbvre and Harvey); habitus (Bourdieu); spatial fix (Harvey); and territoriality (Haesbaert). Evidence shows that there has been a process of ‗naturalization of certain practices in the market that has had implications for the production of an urban space that is both segmented and segregated, giving rise also to complex material configurations, including different forms of heterotopies (Foucault). These spaces result from capital s own creative dynamics and of the reach for social realization for different groups of people making a living under different economic conditions of income.

A trajetória dos movimentos socioambientais em Sergipe : personagens, instituições e estratégias de comunicação

The research aimed to study the emergence, role, and the possibilities of environmental movements in Sergipe, running through an analysis of the period between 1983 and 2011. This goal has been guided by the core issue of research, which was to analyze the relationship between the mission, structure and action of environmental organizations in Sergipe. The research arose from the need to map and critically evaluate the environmental movement in Sergipe. The methodological procedures focused on the literature search, survey papers in Sergipe a time gap of 28 years, detailed analysis of nine "movements" and selected in-depth interviews, semi-structured interviews with dozens of social actors involved in the area. In conclusion, we observed that environmentalism in Sergipe, from its inception, was associated with recovery of consciousness regarding the environment, to combat local problems of degradation, and the search for legitimacy of public opinion. Although the environmental movement have been, at times, the attention of mass media, the movement failed to leave the niche and achieve a more representative portion of society. You can still see the deep relationship between the profile of environmental leaders, capital strength and the practical results of the environmental actions and finally, it was observed that the action of the movements has much stronger bond with the relationship of the organization and its main leaders with the other "environmentalist," than with the structure and mission of the institution

Intelectuais e imprensa: a configuração de uma rede hispano-americana no espaço atlântico

Este artigo trata da configuração de uma rede intelectual de dimensão internacional que uniu a América Latina e a Península Ibérica, a partir de meados do século XIX. Objetivamos analisar o papel dos intelectuais e órgãos de imprensa na formação dessa rede e discutir suas idéias e projetos, à luz do contexto político e do debate cultural. Consideramos que a ação dos intelectuais e da imprensa contribuiu para a configuração de um espaço singular de circulação de idéias e de formação de uma opinião pública ibero-americana.

Retificação da alumina com rebolo diamantado utilizando-se diferentes métodos de lubri-refrigeração

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Caracterização sócio-ambiental do bairro de Felipe Camarão- Natal/ RN

The rapid growth of the Brazilian cities in the latest years has brought a series of problems regarding housing policies and, therefore, the provision of dwellings for the low-income class people. Following the pattern of other capital cities, Natal has repeated the pattern of urbanization practiced in the country, which concentrates the low-income class inhabitants in specific zones of the city known as peripheries or even in a dwelling place for less-favored classes such as Felipe Camarão, which is one of ten boroughs belonging to the western administrative zone, a region which has historically received less attention from the public administrators towards infrastructure investments. Based on those aspects, the general objective of this work is to investigate which main social-environmental alterations have resulted from the processes of urbanization and field occupation in that area. The specific objectives are concerned with verifying 1) the process of urbanization and the process of dividing urban soil from the 1960s; 2) the current configuration of the public spaces in the borough; 3) the process of the deprivation of the original landscape characteristics of Environmental Protection Zones; 4) the dynamics of land occupation which are predominant in dune areas; 5) the dynamics of land occupation which are predominant in mangrove areas; 6) and the destruction of green covering on the land with its consequent alteration of the local floristic pattern. The methodology consisted of in-loco visits; the application of questionnaires as community research; a survey of bibliography published by the organisms and institutions in charge of carrying out the city hall s environmental and housing policies; and descriptive statistics of the collected data. Concerning the pattern of occupation which is predominant in the borough, the treatment of space dispensed by the local dwellers has culminated in the emergence and consolidation of environmental alterations which are clearly different from common occurrence in both the building area represented by housing complexes and in the green areas represented by dunes and mangroves. The data show that there was the predominance of the irregular land occupation process over the official housing policy during the population settlement which contributed with a series of frequent and foreseeable problems in the dynamics of urbanization of poverty such as invasions and appropriations of land parcels, the beginning of irregular arrangement of streets, the formation of villages and slums, which are full of self-constructed housing units, and the occupation and degradation of susceptibly fragile environmental areas such as the dune slopes and the mangroves

Habermas leitor de Rousseau

Pretendemos mostrar um aspecto pelo qual a leitura que Habermas faz de Rousseau, em Mudança estrutural da esfera pública (1962), é levemente revisada em Direito e democracia (1992). Essa pequena mudança, por sua vez, reestrutura toda a concepção habermasiana da política de Rousseau.

Urban areas and isolated remnants of natural habitats: An action proposal for botanical gardens

The International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) advocates an increase of the number of botanical gardens throughout the world as one of the measures that can help to preserve the world's biodiversity. To implement this strategy, the present work brings forward a suggestion particularly suited to tropical regions: establishing municipal botanical gardens. It refers to the experience of a newly opened municipal botanical garden in Brazil, comparing its attractive power on visitors to that of other botanical gardens included in the Brazilian network of Botanical Gardens. It also presents considerations on in situ conservation in small remnants and on the importance of urban reserves to preserve the regional biodiversity and spread the conservationist philosophy. The present proposal promotes the participation of local communities making the public opinion more aware and active, besides being able to counterbalance proposals that support protecting the world biodiversity through interventionist actions. It assumes that, through actions planned and coordinated by regional and national botanical garden networks, the measure proposed can mitigate the anthropic actions exerted on important natural reserves all over the world.

Investigando a legitimidade: Estudo de atitudes de público em relação aos papéis do Estado e do mercado

Using data collected in nine countries - Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Czech Republic, Poland, Russian Federation, Finland, Germany and the USA - through the World Values Survey, the article analyses the validity of four variables with a supposed potential to evaluate the legitimacy level of the private sector vis-à-vis the public sector. This analysis in undertaken in the context of the discussions on the future of market reforms that were implemented in several countries in the past 20 years. The investigation adopted a two level strategy: first, the aggregated frequencies for the nine countries were analyzed, followed by a bivariate analysis aimed at verifying the internal consistency of the variables. The article concludes that the four variables under consideration do not compose a valid dimension capable of assessing the legitimacy of the public sector versus the private sector.