Republicanismo: el lugar de la virtud

No hay caracterización del republicanismo que no mencione la virtud cívica. Sin embargo, no siempre es clara la ubicación de la virtud en el entramado de la filosofía política republicana. Tomaré como punto de partida la reflexión de Rawls. Su temor es que la defensa de lo que la democracia necesita, la virtud cívica, ponga en peligro la libertad. Es lo que llamaré el «problema (de Rawls) con la virtud». Un problema que, a su parecer, compromete seriamente al republicanismo. Por mi parte, intentaré mostrar que, en realidad, se trata de un problema del liberalismo que apunta directamente a una bien conocida tensión entre los derechos y la democracia, cuya única «solución liberal» pasa por atrincherar los derechos «frente a la democracia», excluyendo el compromiso ciudadano. En la segunda parte mostraré que el problema es real, pero que no afecta a todos los republicanismos y argumentaré que «el problema de Rawls» afecta, fundamentalmente, a aquel republicanismo que hace de la «realización ciudadana» su objetivo, que busca, por así decir, maximizar la virtud. No sucede lo mismo con aquel otro que otorga a la virtud un carácter instrumental. En la parte final precisaré esa idea de republicanismo que otorga tanto a la virtud como a la democracia un papel instrumental en lo que realmente importa: la libertad.

¿Qué Locke? Tradición y cambio en la historia del liberalismo

Este artículo hace referencia al cambio ocumdo en la hermenéutica de la filosofía política lockeana en los últimos treinta años y al modo en que la introducción y el estudio del llamado lenguaje del lenguaje del republicanismo clásico ha supuesto un giro importante en la historia de las relaciones entre John Locke y el liberalismo. Se presenta, entonces, como una interpretación de las interpretaciones. Sigue el nacimiento y desarrollo de la llamada interpretación tradicional, que culmina en el individualismo posesivo de C. B. Macpherson, y pasa revista después a la obra de sus críticos, relacionando tres temas: El Segundo Tratado, la tradición republicana y la ilustración británica. Como se podría esperar, se acaba con una invitación a la lectura de los textos originales, lo únicoque todas las interpretaciones tienen en común.

The views of rich Europeans are more likely to be reflected by political parties than those of poorer citizens

How does income inequality affect political representation? Jan Rosset, Nathalie Giger and Julian Bernauer examine whether politicians represent the views of poorer and richer citizens equally. They find that in 43 out of the 49 elections included in their analysis, the preferences of low-income citizens are located further away from the policy positions of the closest political party than those with mid-range incomes. This suggests that income inequality may spill-over into political inequalities, although it is less clear whether this effect is likely to get better or worse as a result of the Eurozone crisis.

Embodying feminist research: learning from action research, political practices, diffractions and collective knowledge.

In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.

Embodying feminist research: learning from action research, political practices, diffractions and collective knowledge.

In the past three decades, feminists and critical theorists have discussed and argued the importance of deconstructing and problematizing social science research methodology in order to question normalized hierarchies concerning the production of knowledge and the status of truth claims. Nevertheless, often, these ideas have basically remained theoretical propositions not embodied in research practices. In fact there is very little published discussion about the difficulties and limits of their practical application. In this paper we introduce some interconnected reflections starting from two different but related experiences of embodying 'feminist activist research'. Our aim is to emphasise the importance of attending to process, making mistakes and learning during fieldwork, as well as experimenting with personalized forms of analysis, such as the construction of narratives and the story-telling process.

Uncertainty, electoral incentives and political myopia

We study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build aframework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectlyobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies withfuture returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, undersome conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewardscan be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limitto governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised factsand with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better fiscal discipline in a panel of 20 OECDcountries.

Good practice for dialogue and communication as strategic principle for policing political manifestations in Europe (GODIAC):field study handbook

This handbook describes the peer review methodology that was applied at the GODIAC project fi eld studies1. The peer review evaluation method as initiated by Otto Adang in the Netherlands and further developed in a European football context (Adang & Brown, 2008) involves experienced police offi cers cooperating with researchers to perform observational fi eld studies to identify good practices and learning points for public order management. The handbook builds on the GODIAC seminars and workshops, for the fi eld study members, which took place in September 2010, January 2012 and January 2013. The handbook has been discussed in the project group and in the steering committee. It is primarily written for the GODIAC fi eld study members as background material for understanding the fi eld study process and for clarifying the different responsibilities that enable active participation in the fi eld study. The handbook has been developed during the project period and incorporates learning points and developments of the peer review method. The handbook aims at promoting the use of fi eld studies for evaluation of policing major events.

Good practice for dialogue and communication as strategic principle for policing political manifestations in Europe (GODIAC):the anthology

The volume is divided into two parts; the fi rst deals with issues related to the police, and the second addresses issues related to demonstrators and protesters. We hope that this volume will provide further insight into issues associated with policing at major events and shed light on the complexity of the organisations, motives, and strategies in play whenever protester groups are involved.