901 resultados para Legal and constitutional duty
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Background: In Argentina, abortion has been decriminalized under certain circumstances since the enactment of the Penal Code in 1922. Nevertheless, access to abortion under this regulatory framework has been extremely limited in spite of some recent changes. This article reports the findings of the first phase of an operations research study conducted in the Province of Santa Fe, Argentina, regarding the implementation of the local legal and safe abortion access policy. Methods: The project combined research and training to generate a virtuous circle of knowledge production, decision-making, and the fostering of an informed healthcare policy. The project used a pre-post design of three phases: baseline, intervention, and evaluation. It was conducted in two public hospitals. An anonymous self-administered questionnaire (n = 157) and semi-structured interviews (n = 27) were applied to gather information about tacit knowledge about the regulatory framework; personal opinions regarding abortion and its decriminalization; opinions on the requirements needed to carry out legal abortions; and service’s responses to women in need of an abortion. Results: Firstly, a fairly high percentage of health care providers lack accurate information on current legal framework. This deficit goes side by side with a restrictive understanding of both health and rape indications. Secondly, while a great majority of health care providers support abortion under the circumstances consider in the Penal Code, most of them are reluctant towards unrestricted access to abortion. Thirdly, health care providers’ willingness to perform abortions is noticeably low given that only half of them are ready to perform an abortion when a woman’s life is at risk. Willingness is even lower for each of the other current legal indications. Conclusions: Findings suggest that there are important challenges for the implementation of a legal abortion policy. Results of the study call for specific strategies targeting health care providers in order to better inform about current legal abortion regulations and to sensitize them about abortion social determinants. The interpretation of the current legal framework needs to be broadened in order to reflect a comprehensive view of the health indication, and stereotypes regarding women’s sexuality and abortion decisions need to be dismantled.
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The World Bank's legal and judicial reforms programs have expanded considerably since it began to address the issue of governance in the early 1990s. Initially the Bank focused on legal reforms for inducing private investment. Currently, its legal assistance extends to include the criminal justice sector. Such activities cannot be directly construed from its Articles of Agreement. This paper will discuss how the Bank interpreted its Articles in order to ligitimize its expanding activities. The Bank has manoeuvred itself into the criminal justice sector by skillfully changing its concept of development without deviating from its mandate. The change can be described as an 'evolution' which has allowed the Bank to identify any area as target for its development assistance.
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Almost three years have passed since the 'Arab Spring' began in late 2010. In the major sites of popular uprisings, political conditions remain unsettled or violent. Despite similarities in their original opposition to authoritarian rule, the outcomes differed from country to country. In Tunisia and Egypt, processes of transiting from authoritarian rule produced contrasting consequences for democratic politics. Uprisings led to armed rebellion in Libya and Syria, but whereas Gaddafi was overthrown, Asad was not. What explains the different trajectories and outcomes of the Arab Spring? How were these shaped by the power structure and levels of social control of the pre-uprising regimes and their state institutions, on the one hand, and by the character of the societies and oppositional forces that rose against them? Comparing Tunisia with Egypt, and Libya with Syria, this paper discusses various factors that account for variations in the trajectories and outcomes of the Arab Spring, namely, the legacy of the previous regime, institutional and constitutional choices during "transition" from authoritarian rule, socioeconomic conditions, and the presence of absence of ethnic, sectarian and geographic diversity.
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Ecuador, país sudamericano, aprobó en el año 2008 una Constitución en la que subyace un modelo de desarrollo humano multidimensional y alternativo al vigente. Sus dimensiones sociales, económicas, políticas, culturales y ambientales se encuentran en los textos correspondientes a los “Derechos”, “Régimen de Desarrollo” y “Régimen del Buen Vivir”; en tanto que las dimensiones territoriales se hallan expuestas en la “Organización Territorial del Estado”, conformada por regiones, provincias, cantones y parroquias rurales, con sus respectivos gobiernos autónomos descentralizados, a los que la misma Constitución les atribuye, entre otras, las competencias exclusivas de “planificar el desarrollo” y “formular los correspondientes planes de ordenamiento territorial”, y al Estado central la “planificación nacional”. No obstante, el marco legal dictado posteriormente -que otorga al Estado central la competencia de ordenación territorial, mediante la “Estrategia Territorial Nacional”-, no logra regular con eficacia, efectividad y eficiencia este ejercicio competencial, incluyendo en esta condición a los lineamientos técnicos dictados por el organismo nacional de planificación; volviendo urgente la vigencia de una ley que lo asuma, pero que demanda previamente el diseño de un modelo de gestión de estas competencias, propósito al cual procura contribuir el presente trabajo. Su estructura es la siguiente: Capítulo 1: “La problemática, objetivos y antecedentes”, en cuya formulación se destaca el estudio del marco jurídico y técnico vigente en relación a la ordenación territorial, partiendo de una breve visión sobre los empeños previos en Ecuador por adoptarla, y que se complementa con una evaluación preliminar de la experiencia vivida por los gobiernos autónomos descentralizados al formular y gestionar sus primeros planes de desarrollo y de ordenación territorial, en acatamiento del mandato constitucional. Luego se avanza en la definición del objetivo general del trabajo y de un conjunto coherente de objetivos específicos. Concluye este capítulo con el análisis del estado de la cuestión: los antecedentes sobre la ordenación territorial en América Latina, en el marco de sus predecesoras históricas. Capítulo 2: “Diseño del modelo de gestión”, que se inicia con el planteamiento de la metodología a seguir, condicionada especialmente por los propios textos constitucionales que vinculan en la relación de “correspondencia” a la ordenación territorial con la planificación del desarrollo y en consecuencia con el ejercicio de las competencias sectoriales asignadas por ella misma a los diferentes niveles de gobierno. Efectivamente, tal relación supone básicamente que la planificación del desarrollo adquiera el carácter de global, total, vale decir integral, en el sentido de que igualmente contemple sus dimensiones territoriales y que la planificación de éstas se integre a la de las dimensiones sociales, económicas, políticas, culturales y ambientales, de manera tal que en cada uno de los niveles la planificación del desarrollo sea un proceso único y un todo. Por estas condiciones, el diseño en cuestión demanda el tratamiento previo de los aspectos contemplados por la metodología en relación con la conceptualización y ordenamiento de la planificación y gestión del modelo de desarrollo humano previsto por la Constitución para los distintos niveles territoriales, seguido del análisis y evaluación del reparto competencial. En este marco se diseña el modelo de gestión en siete componentes específicos que definen los objetivos estratégicos generales a los cuales apuntará la ordenación territorial, estructuran con sus figuras –los planes–, un sistema integrado de alcance nacional, entienden al propio territorio bajo una visión sistémica y proponen un esquema metodológico general para la redacción de tales instrumentos. Luego se aborda en calidad de tema clave, la articulación con la planificación del desarrollo, el establecimiento de las dimensiones territoriales sectoriales y globales de ordenación en cada nivel territorial, que posibilita a su vez la formulación de los contenidos de las determinaciones de los planes y la definición de un conjunto de lineamientos para su gestión. Capítulo 3. “Verificación”, que se ha concretado en la puesta a consideración de un selecto grupo de expertos nacionales en ordenación territorial, el modelo propuesto siguiendo los procedimientos recomendados para este tipo de consultas. Capítulo 4. “Conclusiones Generales”, esto es, un conjunto coherente de proposiciones que condensan los resultados alcanzados en los diferentes capítulos precedentes y que demuestran la validez del modelo propuesto. ABSTRACT Ecuador approved a constitution, by 2008, where a multidimensional human development model, different to the one in force, underlies. Its social, economic, political, cultural and environmental dimensions are at the entries for "Rights", "Development Scheme" and "Rules of Good Living"; while the territorial dimensions are given by the "Territorial Organization of the State" section, consisting of regions, provinces, cantons and rural parishes, with their respective autonomous governments, to which the Constitution conferred, inter alia, the exclusive powers of "development planning" and "land use plan formulation," while the central state has the "national planning" competence. However, the subsequent issued legal framework - which gives the central state competences over land planning, using the "National Spatial Strategy" - fails to effectively regulate this exercise of jurisdiction, including in this condition the technical guidelines dictated by the national planning agency; thus becoming urgent to put in force a law that assume it, which demands the previous design of a management model of these competences, which is the aim that seeks to contribute the present work. Its structure is as follows: Chapter 1: "The problem, objectives and background" that includes the study of the legal and technical framework in force in relation to land planning, starts with a brief overview of previous efforts to adopt it in Ecuador. The chapter is complemented with a preliminary assessment of the experience of the autonomous governments to formulate and manage their early development plans and land planning, in compliance with the constitutional mandate. Subsequently the overall objective of the work and a coherent set of objectives are defined. This chapter concludes with an analysis of the state of art: the history of land use planning in Latin America in the context of their historical predecessors. Chapter 2, "Design of a management model", which begins with the methodological approach to follow, conditioned by the constitutional texts linking the relationship of "correspondence" land planning with development planning and with the exercise of the sectorial competences assigned by itself to different levels of government. Indeed, such a relationship basically means that development planning should acquire a global, comprehensive, complete, total, character in the sense that it also provides for their territorial dimensions and that their planning is integrated to social, economic, political, cultural and environmental factors, so that in each of the levels, development planning is a unique process and a whole. For these conditions, the design in question demands pretreatment of the aspects covered by the methodology in relation to the conceptualization and management of the planning and management of human development model envisaged by the Constitution to the various territorial levels, followed by analysis and evaluation of the distribution of powers. In this framework a management model is designed into seven specific components that define the overall strategic objectives which aim to land planning, structure plans, and an integrated nationwide system, that understand the territory under a systemic vision and propose a general methodological framework to draft these instruments. Then a key issue is addressed, the coordination with development planning, the establishment of sectorial and regional and global dimensions of management at each territorial level, which in turn allows the formulation of the contents of the plans determinations and defining a set of management guidelines. Chapter 3, "Verification", It has traduced into asking for the revision of the proposed model by a select group of national experts in spatial planning by following recommended procedures for such queries. Chapter 4, "General Conclusions", a coherent set of propositions that summarize the results obtained in the different preceding chapters, which demonstrates the validity of the proposed model.
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Cuando se inició el trabajo para obtener el título de doctora, el proyecto era acerca de la financiación público privada de los clubes deportivos madrileños. El punto uno de ese primer índice, versaba sobre el origen del club deportivo en la Comunidad de Madrid (en este sentido, es preciso tener en cuenta que el territorio sufrió modificaciones, lo que antes eran pueblos hoy son distritos y lo que antes era provincia hoy es Comunidad Autónoma de Madrid, nuestro ámbito territorial de estudio). Al leer la doctrina autorizada que coincidía en su totalidad en que los primeros clubes deportivos fueron de origen inglés (el Recreativo de Huelva en el año1889 era considerado el primer club de España) y recordar dudas e inquietudes al respecto que surgieron durante la licenciatura, la investigación se tornó incómoda, por no decir temeraria. ¿Por qué había que limitarse a recoger las ideas de una doctrina, sin duda hoy y entonces prestigiosa, cuando se pensaba que aquella teoría del origen británico no podía ser, aunque fuera dentro de un marco teórico? No parecía tener sentido que no hubiera habido asociacionismo en España antes de la llegada de las compañías inglesas, pero sobre todo en Madrid, siempre bulliciosa en cuanto a participación ciudadana, por varios motivos: existían juegos y deportes populares autóctonos antes de que llegara el fútbol. ¿No se asociaban los madrileños para poder competir con otros?, ¿Se equivocó Goya al pintar estampas de juegos populares?, ¿Por qué existía entonces una Ley de Asociaciones de 1887, evidentemente anterior al Recreativo de Huelva (1889)? Las leyes se elaboran en respuesta a una necesidad social o a una costumbre anterior, o a las dos cosas. ¿Nadie pensó en la costumbre, siendo fuente del Derecho junto con la Ley y los principios generales?, ¿Nadie, estando tan cerca?, ¿Nadie, figurando en el artículo 1 del Código Civil? De esta forma, la justificación y objetivos cambiaron, la investigación se volvió otra, se tenía necesidad de probar la lógica o nada. Sólo hacían falta las pruebas documentales que aportaran luz y fueran tangibles para la argumentación jurídica. Así, entre las reglas del juego de la norma jurídica, la jurisprudencia y la doctrina, se desenvuelve el marco teórico de este trabajo. Es necesario para ello conocer cómo funciona la legislación que afecta a los clubes deportivos en la actualidad para entender las similitudes con los clubes pioneros. Es preciso comprender que una Ley nunca se encuentra aislada de otras, que todas están relacionadas, que los cruces son inevitablemente ilimitados y los resultados inmensos. Se ha realizado un análisis de una realidad compleja que trasciende de lo jurídico y lo deportivo. Respecto al material y método, no se encontraban referencias de estudios comparados, desde el punto de vista jurídico, de los Estatutos de los primeros clubes deportivos madrileños, ni nombrarlos hasta que a principios del año 2013 digitalizamos en la Biblioteca Nacional el Reglamento del Instituto de Gimnástica, Equitación y Esgrima (Villalobos, 1842); la prueba documental que se buscaba para apoyar la teoría ya era tangible. Luego se encontrarían otros para añadir a la muestra y también documentación probatoria complementaria. Tampoco había trabajos sobre la documentación emanada de la Administración Pública, por lo que se han estudiado Expedientes administrativos así como su comparativa con la legislación coetánea y la actual, lo que ha permitido concretar más la forma y tipología de las primeras formas jurídicas deportivas. Para la búsqueda de documentación se ha recurrido a bibliotecas, archivos e incluso depósitos que tenían legajos sin clasificar, habían sufrido las inundaciones y carcoma que azotaron a los sótanos de Madrid e incluso a alguno el fuego le miró de reojo. La documentación encontrada ha permitido convivir con los personajes que habitaron los clubes pioneros en los primeros domicilios sociales; historias reales con banda sonora propia. Y es que el nacimiento del asociacionismo deportivo madrileño no se podría haber gestado en mejor momento; durante el Romanticismo, ni en mejor lugar, en las encrucijadas de las callejuelas estrechas cercanas a las grandes arterias de la Capital; un paseo por las calles Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza y Montera. Los resultados de la investigación confirman la teoría de que el primer club deportivo madrileño nada tuvo que ver con los clubes que posteriormente vinieron en los equipajes de las compañías inglesas. Ni en tiempo, son anteriores; ni en lugar, Madrid; ni en forma, la comparativa con un club británico de la época denota diferencias o mejor, deficiencias, pero más que nada en el fondo. Los clubes madrileños tenían una naturaleza que reflejaba el sentir de los primeros socios y el espíritu de la Capital: beneficencia, espectáculo, participación ciudadana y trabajo en equipo. También se demuestra, tanto en los resultados como en la discusión, las particularidades de los primeros clubes madrileños en cuanto a su relación con la imprenta, la docencia, la prensa, las instalaciones deportivas siempre compartidas con la cultura como la terminología y las equipaciones, pero sobre todo la especial relación con el inherente derecho de reunión. Difícil pensar en un principio que la prueba de la costumbre se encontrara en la cartelería teatral, y que un programa de una competición deportiva escondiera unos Estatutos durante siglos. ABSTRACT When work for a doctorate degree began, the project was about public-private financing of sports clubs Madrid. At point one of the first index, concerned the origin of the sports club in Madrid ( Keep in mind that the territory was modified, which were towns before today are districts and what was once the province is now Community Autonomous of Madrid, our territorial area of study). When reading the authoritative doctrine which coincided entirely in the first sports clubs were of English origin (Huelva Recreation Club, 1889) and remember about questions and concerns raised during the undergraduate research became awkward, if not reckless. Why it had to be limited to collecting the ideas of a doctrine certainly prestigious now and then, when it was thought that this theory could not be British origin, albeit within a framework? It did not seem to make sense that there had been associations in Spain before the arrival of British companies, but especially in Madrid, always busy in terms of citizen participation, for several reasons; and indigenous games were popular sports before the football do the locals are not associated to compete with other?, Goya was wrong to paint pictures of popular games?, Why then was no Associations Act, 1887, clearly previous Huelva Recreation Club (1889)? The laws are developed in response to a social need or a past practice, or both. No one thought of being a source of law practice with the law and the general principles? No, being so close? No one appearing in Article 1 of the Civil? Thus the rationale and objectives of the research turned back, it was necessary to try logic or anything. Only documentary evidence was needed that provide light and were tangible to the legal arguments. Thus, among the rules of the legal rule, jurisprudence and doctrine, the theoretical framework of this work develops, we need to know how legislation affects sports clubs at present to understand the similarities with clubs works pioneers, we must understand that a law is never isolated from others, they are all related, intersections are inevitably unlimited and the immense results. It has made an analysis of a complex reality that transcends the legal and sports. Regarding the material and method, no references to studies were compared, from the legal point of view, of the Statute of the first Madrid sports clubs, or name them until early 2013 digitized at the National Library of the Institute of Regulation Gymnastics, Riding and Fencing (Villalobos, 1842); the documentary evidence that was sought to support the theory was already tangible. Then they find others to add to the sample and further supporting documentation. There was also no work on the documentation issued by the Public Administration, which have been studied administrative records and their comparison with the contemporary legislation and the current, allowing more concrete form and type of the first sports legal forms. Search for documentation we have turned to libraries, archives and even deposits that were not rated bundles, had suffered flooding and decay in the basement of Madrid and even fire some looked askance. The found documents have enabled us to live with the characters that inhabited the early clubs in the first addresses; real stories with its own soundtrack. And the birth of the Madrid sports associations could not have been gestated at a better time ; during the Romantic period , or in a better place ; at the crossroads of the nearby narrow streets of the great arteries of the Capital; a walk along the Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza and Montera. The research results confirm the theory that the first Madrid sports club had nothing to do with the clubs that later came in the luggage of British companies, nor in time; They predate, or rather; Madrid, or in the form; the comparison with a British club denotes the time differences or rather shortcomings, but more than anything in the background; the Madrid club had a nature that reflect the sentiments of the first members and the spirit of the Capital; charity, show, citizen participation and teamwork. It is also shown in the results and discussion the particularities of the first locals clubs in their relationship with the press, teaching, media, sports facilities always shared with the culture and terminology and the kits, but all the special relationship with the inherent right of assembly; hard to think at first that the test of habit were in the theater posters, and a program of a sports competition hide Statutes for centuries.
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The products and services designed for Smart Cities provide the necessary tools to improve the management of modern cities in a more efficient way. These tools need to gather citizens’ information about their activity, preferences, habits, etc. opening up the possibility of tracking them. Thus, privacy and security policies must be developed in order to satisfy and manage the legislative heterogeneity surrounding the services provided and comply with the laws of the country where they are provided. This paper presents one of the possible solutions to manage this heterogeneity, bearing in mind these types of networks, such as Wireless Sensor Networks, have important resource limitations. A knowledge and ontology management system is proposed to facilitate the collaboration between the business, legal and technological areas. This will ease the implementation of adequate specific security and privacy policies for a given service. All these security and privacy policies are based on the information provided by the deployed platforms and by expert system processing.
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A Constituição Federal Brasileira institucionalizou o direito a saúde no Brasil, o artigo 196 que diz: A saúde é um direito de todos e um dever do Estado apresenta esse direito. Ao regulamentar a criação do Sistema Único de Saúde a lei 8.080 reafirma a obrigação do Estado com a Saúde da população. Dentro desse contexto a Assistência Farmacêutica (AF) tem importante papel de garantir medicamentos seguros, eficácias, em tempo e quantidade necessária para atender a demanda dos cidadãos, porém apesar das constantes atualizações em prol de promover maior eficiência dos processos da AF, ainda acontecem situações em que o paciente não tem o medicamento requerido, seja por falta nas unidades dispensadoras ou a não presença nas listas de medicamentos padronizados. Essa situação faz com que o cidadão recorra à via judicial na tentativa de garantir o acesso ao medicamento pleiteado, fenômeno conhecido como judicialização da saúde, que traz grandes implicações sobre a gestão da assistência farmacêutica. Diante disso o objetivo do trabalho foi descrever o panorama geral das ações judiciais pleiteando medicamentos e insumos para insulina que foram assumidos pela prefeitura de Ribeirão Preto. Para alcançar esses objetivos, foi realizado um estudo do tipo descritivo. Foram analisados ao todo 1861 processos judiciais sendo 1083 ainda ativos e 778 que já haviam sido encerrados. Na maioria dos processos o juiz dava como prazo máximo 30 dias (99%) para se cumprir a ação, o que é insuficiente para realizar uma licitação pública obrigando a gestão a utilizar via paralela de compra. O Ministério Público foi o principal representante legal (71,7%) utilizado e a maioria das prescrições foram advindas de hospitais e clínicas particulares (50,1%). Os principais diagnósticos referidos nas ações foram diabetes e o transtorno de déficit de atenção e hiperatividade (TDAH). Já os medicamentos mais prevalentes foram as insulinas e o metilfenidato. Dentre os médicos prescritores 3% somam aproximadamente 30% das prescrições. Diante dos resultados expostos, o presente estudo evidenciou o impacto da judicialização da saúde no município de Ribeirão Preto, demandando da gestão pública organização estrutural e financeira para lidar com as demandas judiciais.
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Government actors create law against a backdrop of uncertainty. Limited information, unpredictable events, and lack of understanding interfere with accurately predicting a legal regime’s costs, benefits, and effects on other legal and social programs and institutions. Does the availability of no-fault divorce increase the number of terminated marriages? Will bulk-collection of telecommunications information about American citizens reveal terrorist plots? Can a sensitive species breed in the presence of oil and gas wells? The answers to these questions are far from clear, but lawmakers must act nonetheless. The problems posed by uncertainty cut across legal fields. Scholars and regulators in a variety of contexts recognize the importance of uncertainty, but no systematic, generally-applicable framework exists for determining how law should account for gaps in information. This Article suggests such a framework and develops a novel typology of strategies for accounting for uncertainty in governance. This typology includes “static law,” as well as three varieties of “dynamic law.” “Static law” is a legal rule initially intended to last in perpetuity. “Dynamic law” is intended to change, and includes: (1) durational regulation, or fixed legal rules with periodic opportunities for amendment or repeal; (2) adaptive regulation, or malleable legal rules with procedural mechanisms allowing rules to change; and (3) contingent regulation, or malleable legal rules with triggering mechanisms to substantively change to the rules. Each of these strategies, alone or in combination, may best address the uncertainty inherent in a particular lawmaking effort. This Article provides a diagnostic framework that lawmakers can use to identify optimal strategies. Ultimately, this approach to uncertainty yields immediate practical benefits by enabling lawmakers to better structure governance.
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The idea of a conservation easement – restrictions on the development and use of land designed to protect the land’s conservation or historic values – can be relatively easily understood. More significant and more challenging is the complex body of state and federal laws that shapes the creation, funding, tax treatment, enforcement, modification, and termination of conservation easements. The explosion in the number of conservation easements over the past four decades has made them one of the most popular land protection mechanisms in the United States. The National Conservation Easement Database estimates that the total number of acres encumbered by conservation easements exceeds 40 million.Because conservation easements are both novel and ubiquitous, understanding how they actual work is essential for practicing lawyers, policymakers, land trust professionals, and students of conservation. This article provides a “quick tour” through some of the most important aspects of the developing mosaic of conservation easement law. It gives the reader a sense of the complex inter-jurisdictional dynamics that shape conservation transactions and disputes about conservation easements. Professors of property law, environmental law, tax law, and environmental studies who wish to cover conservation easements in the context of a more general course can use the article to provide their students with a broad but comprehensive overview of the relevant legal and policy issues.
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Handwritten contract between John Simonds and Andrew Bordman for writing work done by Simonds' son, William Simonds, "who is under age," signed January 15, 1773, and a receipt for payment signed by William Simonds, July 28, 1773.
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Handwritten plat and note in unknown hand regarding the inheritance of land by William Phips, Sarah Bordman, and Elizabeth Phips from their grandfather's estate. The note offers evidence for the location of the land, and the plat draws it out.
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[From the Introduction]. The economic rules, or put more ambitiously, the economic constitution of the Treaty,1 only apply to economic activities. This general principle remains valid, even if some authors strive to demonstrate that certain Treaty rules also apply in the absence of an economic activity,2 and despite the fact that non-economic (horizontal) Treaty provisions (e.g. principle of nondiscrimination, rules on citizenship) are also applicable in the absence of any economic activity.3 Indeed, the exercise of some economic activity transcends the concepts of ‘goods’ (having positive or negative market value),4 workers (even if admitted in an extensive manner),5 and services (offered for remuneration).6 It is also economic activity or ‘the activity of offering goods and services into the market’7 that characterises an ‘undertaking’ thus making the competition rules applicable. Further, it is for regulating economic activity that Article 115 TFEU, Article 106(3) TFEU and most other legal bases in the TFEU provide harmonisation powers in favour of the EU. Last but not least, Article 14 TFEU on the distinction between services of general economic interest (SGEIs) and non-economic services of general interest (NESGIs), as well as Protocol n. 26 on Services of General Interest (SGIs) confirm the constitutional significance of the distinction between economic and non-economic: a means of dividing competences between the EU and the member states. The distinction between economic and non-economic activities is fraught with legal and technical intricacies – the latter being generated by dynamic technological advances and regulatory experimentation. More importantly, however, the distinction is overcharged with political and ideological significations and misunderstandings and, even, terminological confusions.8
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O Controle judicial das políticas públicas necessárias para a efetivação dos direitos constitucionais sociais à prestação é tema muito polêmico na atividade jurisdicional brasileira. Há os que defendem a intervenção irrestrita na tarefa de impor à administração pública a qualquer custo a efetivação das políticas públicas de sua competência. Contudo o nosso trabalho defende que a intervenção do Poder Judiciário no controle de políticas públicas é possível, segundo comando constitucional contido no artigo 3º da Carta Magna, mas com limitações para evitar a violação do princípio da separação dos poderes. Para demonstrar a nossa concepção sobre o tema partimos da definição e da natureza dos direitos fundamentais sociais e sua concepção na ordem constitucional brasileira. Analisamos as principais funções dos direitos fundamentais, concentrando a nossa atenção na função prestacional, ou direito a prestação em sentido estrito. Nesse particular passamos a discutir as questões que envolvem a efetivação dos direitos fundamentais sociais, a partir de sua eficácia jurídica e social até aos aspectos referentes a sua concretização. Salientamos que a efetivação dos direitos fundamentais sociais “derivados” passa por uma atividade legislativa de conformação antes de sua efetivação e que os “originais” poderiam ser concretizados imediatamente, sem se descurar da necessidade de outra atividade legislativa de destinação dos recurso públicos através da lei orçamentária, na foi ressaltado que deveria ser tomado como um dos critérios para essa destinação o princípio do “mínimo existencial”. Analisamos a tese recorrente de defesa da administração para justificar a não efetivação dos direitos sociais à prestação, a denominada “tese da reserva do possível”, salientamos que embora relevante, não era absoluto esse argumento. Contudo a atuação jurisdicional no controle das políticas públicas, não pode fugir da atenção aos princípios da razoabilidade e da proporcionalidade.
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Introduction. The essential facilities doctrine may be seen as the ‘extra weight’ which is put onto the balance, in order to give precedence to the maintenance of competition over the complete contractual freedom of undertakings controlling an important and unique facility. The main purpose of the doctrine is to impose upon such ‘dominant’ undertakings the duty to negotiate and/or give access to the facility, against a reasonable fee, to other undertakings, which cannot pursue their own activity (and therefore will perish) without access to such a facility. This very simple description of the content of the doctrine underlines its limitations: through the imposition of a duty to negotiate or contractual obligations, the rule tends to compensate for the weaknesses of the competitive structure of a market, which are due to the existence of some essential facility. In other words, the doctrine does not by itself provide a definitive solution to the lack of competition, but tends to contractually maintain or even create some competition.1 The doctrine of essential facilities originates in the US antitrust case law of the Circuit and District Courts, but has never been officially acknowledged by the Supreme Court. It has been further developed and hotly debated by scholars in the US, both from a legal and from an economic viewpoint. In the EU, the essential facilities doctrine was openly introduced by the Commission during the early 1990s, but has received only limited and indirect support by the Court of First Instance (the CFI) and the European Court of Justice (the ECJ). It also indirectly inspired the legislation concerning the deregulation of traditional ‘natural’ monopolies. The judicial origin of the doctrine, combined with the hesitant application by the appeal courts, both in the US and the EU, cast uncertainty not only on the precise scope of the doctrine, but also on the issue of its very existence. These questions receive a particular light within the EU context, where the doctrine is called upon to play a different role from its US counterpart. In order to address the above issues, we will first pretend that an EU essential facility doctrine does indeed exist and we shall try to identify the scope and content thereof, through its main applications (Section 1). Subsequently, we will try to answer the question whether such a doctrine should exist at all in the EU (Section 2).
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The aim of this paper is twofold. First, we present an up-to-date assessment of the differences across euro area countries in the distributions of various measures of debt conditional on household characteristics. We consider three different outcomes: the probability of holding debt, the amount of debt held and, in the case of secured debt, the interest rate paid on the main mortgage. Second, we examine the role of legal and economic institutions in accounting for these differences. We use data from the first wave of a new survey of household finances, the Household Finance and Consumption Survey, to achieve these aims. We find that the patterns of secured and unsecured debt outcomes vary markedly across countries. Among all the institutions considered, the length of asset repossession periods best accounts for the features of the distribution of secured debt. In countries with longer repossession periods, the fraction of people who borrow is smaller, the youngest group of households borrow lower amounts (conditional on borrowing), and the mortgage interest rates paid by low-income households are higher. Regulatory loan-to-value ratios, the taxation of mortgages and the prevalence of interest-only or fixed-rate mortgages deliver less robust results.