457 resultados para Isis (Divinitat egípcia)
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During the JC-10 cruise (2007), we sampled the Darwin mud volcano (MV) for meiofaunal community and trophic structure in relation of pore-water geochemistry along a 10 m transect from a seep site on the rim of the crater towards the MV slope. Sediment samples were retrieved by the ROV Isis using push cores. On board and after the pore water extraction, the top 10 cm of the cores were sliced into 1 cm sections and fixed them in 4% formaldehyde for meiofaunal community analysis. In the home laboratory, the formaldehyde-fixed samples were washed over a 32 µm mesh sieve and extracted the meiofauna from the sediment by Ludox centrifugation (Heip et al. 1985). Meiofauna was then sorted, enumerated and identified at coarse taxonomic level. From each slice, ca. 100 nematodes were identified to genus level. Afterwards, abundance of Nematoda were depth integrated over the top 5 cm to gain individual abundances per 10 cm**2. Overall, total nematode biomass in the top 5 cm of the seep sediment core was ~10x higher than that in the core taken 1100 m away. Nematode genus composition varied little among cores and was mainly dominated by Sabatieria.
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The anaerobic oxidation of methane (AOM) with sulfate as terminal electron acceptor is mediated by consortia of methanotrophic archaea (ANME) and sulfate-reducing bacteria (SRB). In sediment samples from Hydrate Ridge, the Isis Mud Volcano and the Gulf of Mexico, DSS cells accounted for 3-6% of all DAPI-stained single cells. Out of these, 8-17% were labelled with probe SEEP1a-1441. This translated into relative abundances of single SEEP-SRB1a cells of 0.3% to 0.7%. Contrastingly, in a sediment sample from the Gullfaks oil field, DSS cells accounted for 18% and SEEP-SRB1a for 9% of all single cells. This sediment sample also featured an unusually high abundance of single ANME-2 cells and only very few ANME-2/DSS aggregates in comparison with other AOM habitats. Considering also the nature of the sample, it is likely that the high number of single ANME-2 and SEEP-SRB1a cells were an artifact of sample preparation. Here, harsher sonication was required to remove the microorganisms from coarse sand prior to CARD-FISH analysis.
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A sexualidade de Lea e Raquel, o útero, as mandrágoras e o corpo de Jacó são fatores que definem o alicerce do nosso texto como espaços de diálogo, mediação e estrutura do cenário. O destaque principal está sob o capítulo 30.14-16 que retrata a memória das mandrágoras. Como plantas místicas elas dominam o campo religioso e como plantas medicinais elas são utilizadas para solucionar problemas biológicos. As instituições e sociedades detentoras de uma ideologia e de leis que regulamentam uma existência apresentam na narrativa, duas irmãs, mas também esposas de um mesmo homem que, manipuladas por essa instituição que minimiza e oprime a mulher, principalmente a estéril, confina-as como simples objeto de sexualidade e mantenedoras da descendência por meio da maternidade. A memória das mandrágoras é sinal de que a prática existente circundava uma religião não monoteísta. Ela existia sociologicamente por meio de sincretismos, força e poderes sócio-culturais e religiosos. Era constituída das memórias de mulheres que manipulavam e dominavam o poder sagrado para controle de suas necessidades. O discurso dessas mulheres, em nossa unidade, prova que o discurso dessa narrativa não se encontra somente no plano individual, mas também se estende a nível comunitário, espaço que as define e lhes concede importância por meio do casamento e dádivas da maternidade como continuidade da descendência. São mulheres que dominaram um espaço na história com suas lutas e vitórias, com atos de amor e de sofrimento, de crenças e poderes numa experiência religiosa dominada pelo masculino que vai além do nosso conhecimento atual. As lutas firmadas na fé e na ideologia dessas mulheres definiram e acentuaram seu papel de protagonistas nas narrativas 9 bíblicas que estudamos no Gênesis. A conservação dessas narrativas, e do espaço teológico da época, definiu espaços, vidas, gerações e tribos que determinaram as gerações prometidas e fecharam um ciclo: o da promessa de Iahweh quanto à descendência desde Abraão. Os mitos e as crenças foram extintos para dar espaço a uma fé monoteísta, mas a experiência religiosa
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To determine the mechanism of action responsible for the in vivo antitumor activity of a phosphorothioate antisense inhibitor targeted against human C-raf kinase (ISIS 5132, also known as CGP69846A), a series of mismatched phosphorothioate analogs of ISIS 5132 or CGP69846A were synthesized and characterized with respect to hybridization affinity, inhibitory effects on C-raf gene expression in vitro, and antitumor activity in vivo. Incorporation of a single mismatch into the sequence of ISIS 5132 or CGP69846A resulted in reduced hybridization affinity toward C-raf RNA sequences and reduced inhibitory activity against C-raf expression in vitro and tumor growth in vivo. Moreover, incorporation of additional mismatches resulted in further loss of in vitro and in vivo activity in a manner that correlated well with a hybridization-based (i.e., antisense) mechanism of action. These results provide important experimental evidence supporting an antisense mechanism of action underlying the in vivo antitumor activity displayed by ISIS 5132 or CGP69846A.
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Classical familial adenomatous polyposis (FAP) is a high-penetrance autosomal dominant disease that predisposes to hundreds or thousands of colorectal adenomas and carcinoma and that results from truncating mutations in the APC gene. A variant of FAP is attenuated adenomatous polyposis coli, which results from germ-line mutations in the 5′ and 3′ regions of the APC gene. Attenuated adenomatous polyposis coli patients have “multiple” colorectal adenomas (typically fewer than 100) without the florid phenotype of classical FAP. Another group of patients with multiple adenomas has no mutations in the APC gene, and their phenotype probably results from variation at a locus, or loci, elsewhere in the genome. Recently, however, a missense variant of APC (I1307K) was described that confers an increased risk of colorectal tumors, including multiple adenomas, in Ashkenazim. We have studied a set of 164 patients with multiple colorectal adenomas and/or carcinoma and analyzed codons 1263–1377 (exon 15G) of the APC gene for germ-line variants. Three patients with the I1307K allele were detected, each of Ashkenazi descent. Four patients had a germ-line E1317Q missense variant of APC that was not present in controls; one of these individuals had an unusually large number of metaplastic polyps of the colorectum. There is increasing evidence that there exist germ-line variants of the APC gene that predispose to the development of multiple colorectal adenomas and carcinoma, but without the florid phenotype of classical FAP, and possibly with importance for colorectal cancer risk in the general population.
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Introduction. In 2003, Iraq was invaded by the US coalition forces that ousted Saddam Hussein’s regime from power before occupying the whole country. The intension, declared by the then American George W. Bush, was to ‘build a decent and democratic society at the centre of the Middle East’ that ‘will become a place of progress and peace.’1 In 2014, three years after the withdrawal of the last American soldier, however, it is difficult to overestimate or exaggerate what is at stake. National unity and territorial integrity have never been so seriously threatened since the country is experiencing the internal fighting in its modern history. Many parts of Iraq, including the northern oil city of Kirkuk, long claimed as an integral part of the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan, are out of the control of the central government. Large areas in the north including the strategic city of Mosul were seized by the fighters of the Islamic State, an Al-Qaeda offshoot, formerly known as ISIS, who threatened to invade the Kurdistan region before being attacked by airstrikes by the US. They proclaimed a caliphate on both sides of the border with Syria, where they also control vast territory.
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The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.
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The Middle East is currently being devastated by multiple civil wars and ISIS-led terror. Tens of thousands have had to flee – to Europe, among other places. The nuclear deal between the West and Iran from July 14 could mark the beginning of more peaceful times for the region.
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Description based on: N.F., 1. Jahrg., No. 1, published in 1855; title from cover.
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Índice.