Tempus: Barriers, Borders, Boundaries: Proceedings of the 2001 Australian Archaeological Association Annual Conference

The conference aimed to provide a forum for the exploration of barriers, borders and boundaries in Australian archaeological methods and practice, frameworks of interpretation and epistemological structures. Sessions were designed to have broad appeal to a range of archaeological stakeholders including academics, consultants, Indigenous peoples, students, cultural heritage managers and policy formulators.

Campfire culture and computer culture: Museums of the present

In Australia indigenous peoples have never had a treaty with the dominant cultures; and their on-going marginalisation is some testimony to this. However, they have not languished entirely in a policy free environment: media is one area where some policy advances have been made; but media policy development has experienced a number of problems. It has tended to be monolithic in a situation demanding multi and complex treatments. And funding, as always, never seems sufficient to meet those multi and complex needs. This paper examines a small remote community on the island of Milingimbi off the northern coast of Arnhem Land in Australia's far north. People in East Arnhem Land refer to themselves collectively as Yolngu. This community is not typical of many documented cases of media relations between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples; however, the fact that it tends to overturn much of the conventional scholarship surrounding indigenous peoples and the media, helps shed new light on the inadequacy of not only monolithic media policy, but the inadequacy of media-only approaches to policy. Arguably, the significance of the media in Milingimbi is part of a 'triangulated' relationship between indigenous and dominant cultures. That triangulation also involves appropriate forms of government and education, which coupled with appropriate media appear to offer new ways of seeing self-government alongside relative cultural and economic autonomy.

A GUERRA JUSTA NA CRISTIANIZAÇÃO DA AMÉRICA LATINA (1492-1566): ORIGEM DO CONCEITO, DESLOCAMENTOS E RESSIGNIFICAÇÕES

Em 1492, com o objetivo de adquirir riquezas e expansão territorial, os espanhóis chegaram à América Latina. Para tanto, rapidamente implantaram o seu sistema de governo, cultura e religião. Este processo só foi possível por meio da guerra. Para legitimá-la, foi necessário a reelaboração e a inversão de um antigo conceito de guerra e a sua consequente instauração nas terras recém ocupadas. O uso do conceito de Guerra Justa na América Latina, entre os anos1492 a 1566, fundamentava-se na história das conquistas romanas, filosofia de Aristóteles, teologia de Agostinho e Tomás de Aquino, nas leis jurídicas, Escrituras Sagradas e nas armas. Ao ser aplicado nas províncias indígenas, o conceito de Guerra Justa proporcionou efeitos trágicos pela sua violência. Ocorreram mortes de inocentes, invasão das terras, posse das riquezas, escravidão, destruição da cultura e da religião dos indígenas. Diante destes fatores, as divergências e debates tornaram-se inevitáveis. Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, o autor do Democrates Alter, tratado que hospeda o conceito de Guerra Justa, teve como opositor tanto na Espanha quanto na América Latina, o frei dominicano Bartolomé de Las Casas que lutou a favor dos indígenas frente a injustiça da guerra deflagrada pelos conquistadores espanhóis e da cristianização por meio das armas. Entre esses dois controversistas encontra-se outro teólogo-jurista, catedrático da Universidade de Salamanca, Francisco de Vitoria. Vitoria elaborou o Derecho Natural y de Gentes, obra que concedeu a Sepúlveda e Las Casas argumentos para fundamentar suas doutrinas. A julgar pelos resultados duradouros da conquista, Sepúlveda atingiu seus objetivos. A cristandade foi implantada em substituição às religiões dos nativos e os interesses políticos e econômicos dos conquistadores, entrementes, foram concretizados. Las Casas, por sua vez, ao discordar desse método, propôs, em sua obra, Del único modo de atraer a todos los pueblos a la verdadera religión, uma cristianização pacífica que se conduzisse somente por meio da pregação do evangelho e da fé cristã. Para chegarem a essa posição, ambos os controversistas analisaram as fontes e tradições literárias aristotélica, agostiniana e tomista, em especial. O projeto missionário colonial vislumbrado por Sepúlveda e Las Casas, definiu as duas hermenêuticas eclesiásticas presentes na América Latina que se estenderam até o século XIX quando aportou-se na América uma nova proposta de missão através dos protestantes.

“Seismic cultural change?”: British media representations of same-sex ‘marriage’

The legal recognition of same-sex relationships is a contested terrain that has been hotly debated by feminists. This article provides a social constructionist analysis of the UK newspaper media coverage around the time of the introduction of the Civil Partnership Act (2004). In examining the 348 national newspaper coverage over a three month period (November 2005–January 2006) we highlight three prevalent, and conflicting, themes: ‘same-sex marriage becomes legal under the Civil Partnership Act’; ‘couples will not get full legal status’ and ‘marriage is a heterosexual business’. We discuss these media representations and argue that the heteronormativity of the coverage provided little space for more radical constructions of same-sex relationship recognition.

A fresh look at S.54(2)

Examines the operation of the provisions of the Law of Property Act 1925 s.54(2) containing an exception to the rule that a deed is required in order to create a valid legal lease and conferring full legal status to short-term letting agreements created by parol, focusing on the requirements that the lease must take effect in possession and must be at the best rent reasonably obtainable without fine. Calls for the former of these two requirements to be amended and the latter abolished on the ground that they give rise to unnecessary complexity in the law and, in the case of the latter, uncertainty.

Xinjiang and Central Asia: Ethno-religious, political, and economic interactions

The neighboring regions of Xinjiang and Central Asia, linked historically on the famous Silk Road, later developed separately as a result of the incorporation of the former into China and the latter into the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. Thus, interaction between Xinjiang and Central Asia has been constrained by the nature of the Sino-Russian or Sino-Soviet relationship. However, the demise of the Soviet Union--which resulted in the independence of five Central Asian states--and the recent economic reforms in the People's Republic of China suggest dramatic new possibilities for interregional cooperation.^ In this thesis, an historical and comparative approach is employed to study Chinese policies in Xinjiang and Soviet policies in Central Asia, and concludes that despite several decades of separate development, the common ethnic and religious origins of the indigenous peoples and their former ties will facilitate greater interaction between the two regions. ^

Vulnerable identities: Maya Yucatec identities in a postmodern world

In numerous anthropological works there have been preoccupations about the relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Whatever social researchers have concluded, one thing is consistent: the tendency to interpret ethnographic “data” in terms of binary oppositions. This dissertation reviews the works which have been centered upon binary oppositions, as for instance, in the case of Yucatan, between the Maya and the Dzul—the Yucatec Maya term for white males—and highlights the fact that such works have failed to recognize that within and between each “pole,” or social group there are individuals that have multiple identities, and that do not recognize themselves as belonging to a homogenized “pole.” Instead, these individuals, recognize themselves as belonging to different groups and, therefore, being aware that they have not a single identity but multiple ones. ^ Analogical anthropology is highly criticized because of its emphasis on binary oppositions, its authoritarianism, and the notion of the “Other.” In contrast, dialogical anthropology places great importance on the relationship between the individuals and the anthropologist. A relation in which both, the anthropologist and the subject, are immersed in a dialogue, because of the identification between the writer and the story that is being written. ^ However, anthropologists seem to be more interested in “dialoguing” among themselves rather than with the people that they write about. Indigenous people are relegated, they are voiceless, and, therefore, we keep treating them as “objects,” and not as individuals. This is ironic, precisely because it undermines the aim of the dialogical discourse. ^ In this context, awareness of self-identity or self-identities and the various ways in which Francisco, a good friend and the main character of this dissertation, assumes them, and the way I assume them, within multicultural contexts, leads us along the road to establish and reestablish communication. The methodology is based on four considerations: positioning, fieldwork conversations, self reflexivity and vulnerability. Hence, this dissertation constitutes an attempt to break with authoritarian models of ethnography, it is a dialogue between Francisco and me, a conversation among ourselves. A dialogue that expresses the desire of hearing our voices being echoed by each other. ^

A constituição desmilitarizada: democratização e reforma do sistema constitucional de segurança pública

The normative construction of the public security system in the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988 preserved paradoxical normative space, the military police linked to the Army with a restrictive legal statute of the police offices citizenship through a hierarchical and disciplinary model that is anachronistic. This research originates from the following problem: How is it possible to tailor the constitutional system of public safety, specifically the Military Police, according to the democratic paradigms constructed by the Constituent from 1988 and carry the right to public safety under these molds? The militarists limitations of the Constitution allowed the growing militarization of police departments, organizational culture and authoritarian institutional practices. Underlying this, the problems related to difficulties in realization of Right to Public Safety, the strikes of the military police, the incomplete policy cycle started demanding from the constitutional-legal system appropriate responses. Utilizing the dialogical method and an interdisciplinary approach to the subject, and theoretically grounded in overcoming of the constitutional normativist juspositivism.It was found that the constructed infraconstitutional legislation was insufficient to supply the systemic shortcomings of constitutional law, when looking to create a single system of public security without giving due scope to the federal principle and expand the autonomy the Federated States, and even grant democratic legal status to the military police. Formal legal limits imposed by the Constitution constructed a legal anachronism, the military police. Thus, a democratic reading of military police institutions becomes inconceivable its existence in the constitutional regulatory environment. Thus, reform the Constitution in order to demilitarize the police and conduct a normative redesign of the public security system is fundamental to Brazilian constitutional democracy

A democracia participativa na jurisdição constitucional brasileira: o amicus curiae enquanto mediador democrático no controle concentrado de constitucionalidade no Supremo Tribunal Federal

This master thesis aims to research the tension established between the judicial review and democratic theory which was always present in the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. In this regard, the expansion of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction checked after the occurrence of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the inertia of the Legislature in disciplinary relevant legal aspects of Brazilian society contributed to a hyperactivity of the Supreme Court. However, in a complex society of context, as is the Brazilian society, there are contained demands and political controversies that hardly would be well represented or resolved through the action of the Court of ministers at the expense of other government bodies. Among the supremacy of Parliament and the legitimacy deficit of these magistrates, is the constitutional text and the social fabric that makes this legal status of the political. Participatory democracy established by the guidelines of the Federal Constitution requires this perspective when the Supreme Court acting in place of concentrated constitutionality control. In a plural society, there is no reason to get rid of state decision moments popular participation. Lack the Supreme Court, this time, the democratizing perception that the institute brings to the interior of the Court, as state determination of space in which to come together and meet the aspirations of society and state claims. The dissertation investigates thus the possibility of amicus curiae Institute serve as a mediator of the democratic debate, to assist the Supreme Court in the preparation of the decision is, historically, that which is of greater legitimacy, from the perspective of a theory participatory democracy. Analyzes, likewise, the unfolding of abstract judicial review in the context of Brazilian law. Proposes, incidentally, a rereading of the separation of powers, with the call for the Judiciary be careful not to become the protagonist of national political decisions. It maintains, finally, that procedural opening the interpreters of the constitution, through the amicus curiae Institute, shows up as able to decrease the legitimacy deficit in the performance of the Brazilian Supreme Court.

¿Otras independencias? : Los territorios indígenas rioplatenses en la década de 1810

El trabajo reflexiona sobre el impacto del proceso revolucionario rioplatense en los pueblos indígenas que mantenían su soberanía política y territorial en el espacio pampeano y chaqueño. Para ello, es esencial no limitar el estudio al grado de integración o de enfrentamiento de estos pueblos con respecto a los ejércitos patriotas sino intentar una mirada amplia que se inicie con una caracterización de los vínculos interétnicos previos para percibir los cambios y continuidades más generales que pudieran haberse producido.

¿Otras independencias? : Los territorios indígenas rioplatenses en la década de 1810

El trabajo reflexiona sobre el impacto del proceso revolucionario rioplatense en los pueblos indígenas que mantenían su soberanía política y territorial en el espacio pampeano y chaqueño. Para ello, es esencial no limitar el estudio al grado de integración o de enfrentamiento de estos pueblos con respecto a los ejércitos patriotas sino intentar una mirada amplia que se inicie con una caracterización de los vínculos interétnicos previos para percibir los cambios y continuidades más generales que pudieran haberse producido.

¿Otras independencias? : Los territorios indígenas rioplatenses en la década de 1810

El trabajo reflexiona sobre el impacto del proceso revolucionario rioplatense en los pueblos indígenas que mantenían su soberanía política y territorial en el espacio pampeano y chaqueño. Para ello, es esencial no limitar el estudio al grado de integración o de enfrentamiento de estos pueblos con respecto a los ejércitos patriotas sino intentar una mirada amplia que se inicie con una caracterización de los vínculos interétnicos previos para percibir los cambios y continuidades más generales que pudieran haberse producido.

Decolonizing Pedagogies: Interrupting the Settler Colonial Narrative of Landownership in Ontario Social Science and History Curriculum

Drawing upon Ontario Social Science and History curriculum documents and textbook imagery and language, this paper examines how narratives of settler landownership strategically present Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples within the Canadian grand narrative. The curriculum and text material educators and learners are guided by ignore ongoing colonial violence towards Indigenous peoples and perpetuate the ideology of inevitable ‘peaceful’ interrelationships in national contexts. Learners develop identities in relation to land and how land is acquired. They come to understand themselves as part of a just nation in the particular sequence of Canadian Social Science and History teaching and learning. To go beyond simply adding content about Indigenous peoples in the classroom, educators and learners must adapt a decolonial approach to instead learn from Indigenous perspectives. Such a methodology would require the opening of a “third space” where the transmission of western curricular knowledge is interrupted. Educators and learners must create a space for problematizing the source itself and deconstruct the national grand narrative using inquiry, questioning and reflection, rather than repetition and regurgitation. This analysis reveals that particular placements of Indigenous peoples and settler Canadians in curriculum and classroom text material must be challenged by educators and learners to disrupt colonial narratives and to seek ongoing reconciliatory opportunities in and beyond the school walls.