866 resultados para trade union


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El Frente Nacional fue una coalición política entre los partidos tradicionales de Colombia entre los años 1958 a 1974, como una alternativa para hacer frente a un periodo de violencia y retaliaciones partidista que vivió el país, unos de los periodos históricos de grandes acontecimientos económicos, políticos y sociales no solo internos sino también en el ámbito internacional. El principal acuerdo político del frente nacional después del derrocamiento de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla era la reorganización del país mediante la alternancia en el poder de los partidos liberal y conservador. Dentro de los principales intereses del Frente Nacional se encontrabà definir una política económica, social y de modernización del Estado mediante un proceso concertado no solo con fuerzas políticas sino con los gremios económicos que se habían consolidado como voceros del empresariado y los diferentes grupos económicos. Sin embargo, no siempre fue posible; algunas medidas generaron molestia entre dichos sectores y otras fueron hechas en concertación con el gobierno de los Estados Unidos y no con las asociaciones gremiales colombianas, en atención al modelo de desarrollo keynesiano y la influencia de la teoría estructuralista cepalina.

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En este estudio de caso se analizan las transformaciones de la organización del trabajo y las relaciones laborales en una siderúrgica colombiana, a partir del nuevo modelo de gestión planteado por la multinacional que adquirió la empresa en el 2007

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Las causas y los efectos de la asociación sindical han sido ampliamente estudiados por la literatura económica; no obstante en el caso colombiano existe un claro sesgo hacia el estudio de los efectos sobre el salario. Este documento presenta un estudio de los determinantes estructurales de la tasa de densidad sindical para Colombia incluyendo algunos aspectos particulares como los efectos regionales y sectoriales utilizando la Gran Encuesta Integrada de Hogares 2007. Se encuentra que la densidad sindical está determinada por factores semejantes a los de otros mercados de trabajo con patrones similares de negociación sindical, como los reportados por Johnson (2005). Finalmente, dadas sus cifras de asesinato de sindicalistas, consideramos que los determinantes de la afiliación sindical para el caso Colombiano son más complejos que los de otros países latinoamericanos

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Preventing violence at work: A study of descriptions of safety measures in Swedish trade union journals 1978–2004 The purpose of this study is to examine if perceptions of interventions aimed at violence in the workplace have changed since the 1970s. In the beginning of the study period, structural factors are seen as the dominating explanation for workplace violence. The crime perspective rises in the 1990’s and methods of intervention becomes the control- and justice functions of larger society. The result shows search for accountability to be a salient factor for understanding the development towards an increasing use of penal sanctions.

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The unauthorized migrants in the Swedish construction sector – a study in the policy of deportation 1990–2004 The unauthorized migration of construction workers to Sweden increased during the 1990s, especially at the end of the decade. The migrants often came from Poland and the Baltic states. The aim of this article is to examine this change of the migration pattern to Sweden and how the Swedish Building Workers Union responded to this new situation. I examine how the Building Workers Union cooperated with the Police authorities to find, capture and deport unauthorized migrants. A conclusion is that the Building Workers Union has not adopted a more inclusionary strategy towards unauthorized migrants, as have trade unions in Spain and US. The main strategy has instead been to try to restrict this migration. One explanation of this is that the Building Workers Union is a strong and well organized trade union. It didn’t perceive of unauthorized migrants as potential new members, but as a threat to wages and work conditions. Another explanation is that it has been able to restrict migration in the past. This may contribute to making demands for restrictions an attractive strategy in the present even when the possibilities of succeeding with this have diminished.

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Violence at work as a social problem: a study of the media coverage on workplace violence in Swedish trade union journals 1978–2004 The main purpose of this study was to find out the extent of the unions media coverage on workplace violence and the ways in which the topic was framed. The study shows that the reporting of violence in the workplace described in journals is on a stable level during the period 1978–98. However from the year 2000 and onwards, there is a clear increase in the attention. Four categories of workplace violence were used to identify and recognize different types of violence: intrusive-, consumer-, relationship-and organizational violence. This shows that much of the attention over time has shifted from intrusive violence to organizational violence and consumer violence. What seems to have happened is that workplace violence has become more than just robberies and assaults in the retail business. The stereotypical image of the criminal is challenged by non-traditional criminals like nurses, elderly people and companies. Certain groups, e.g. care workers, come to account for an increasing proportion of attention, both as perpetrators and victims of violence. This study is an important step in understanding the increased reports of workplace violence in Sweden.

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Preferences and interests of SN and LO about labour migration in the early 2000s The article uses a political economy approach to analyze the preferences of the social partners SN and LO and to identify the coincided and disparate interests which the two organizations tried to defend in relation to labour migration in the debate prior to the Swedish labour migration policy reform in 2008. In contrast to presumptions by Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) scholars,the results of this article reveal that SN has preferred a market-liberal labour migration policy regime at odds with institutional traditions of the Swedish labour market model. However, LO has instead preferred a state-coordinated and regulated labour migration policy regime. In contrast to SN, LO’s preferences reflected basic trade union interests to limit the supply of labour and to minimize potential negative effects for the functioning of the Swedish labour market model. Moreover, the article suggests the importance of changed power relations between the social partners and a shift of Swedish government to explain SN’s influence in the debate prior to the labour migration policy change 2008 in a market-liberal direction.

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Celebrates the company's artistic achievements and successes over the last two decades through interviews, essays and high quality images of key productions, and recounts its history, its evolving relationship with the embattled trade union movement, and its on-going engagement with working class, indigenous and migrant communities.

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Incorporating Human Resource Management policies within the regulatory and institutional framework that governs contemporary industrial relations has always been problematic. This paper details the nature and causes of this problem, noting the different conceptual and practical understandings that underpin each form of labour management when being applied in organisational settings. It then looks at a range of industrial relations realities confronting managers when trying to apply HRM practices, and how these practices might be accommodated within the context of such realities as a means of improving organisational effectiveness. In so doing it delineates four approaches an organisation might take in its relations with trade unions when bargaining and concluding labour contracts, and which of these are consistent and inconsistent with the coexistence of HRM and industrial relations practices. It then looks at the issue of workplace change involving trade unions and collective bargaining in terms of three categorical models—the management-driven model, the trade union gatekeeper model, and the management-union alliance model, the intention again being to show which are consistent and inconsistent with the coexistence of these different forms of labour management. The paper concludes by drawing on these conceptual models to outline the issues and policies that need to be considered when applying HRM practices within an industrial relations setting.

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Celebrates the company's artistic achievements and successes over the last two decades through interviews, essays and high quality images of key productions, and recounts its history, its evolving relationship with the embattled trade union movement, and its on-going engagement with working class, indigenous and migrant communities.

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An objective of this collection is to bring the history of the Australian labor movement to international attention. The editors introduce the collection with a brief overview of Australian labor history, emphasizing differences between the Australian and American experiences. The introduction argues that a unique aspect of Australian labor history is “laborism,” which is defined as the central place of the labor movement in Australian culture, as compared with the more marginal position of the labor movement in America. In Australia, this centrality is reflected in the embedding of trade unions and labor in the state through wage-fixing tribunals, a social security system designed to support the families of male wage earners, and the Australian Labor Party's strong links to the trade union movement. The introduction is informative and especially benefits from the insights of David Palmer, an American historian teaching at Adelaide's Flinders University. However, the introduction was apparently written later at the suggestion of an American reader and has thus not been fully integrated into the structure of the book.

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This thesis examines the evolution of national training policy in Fiji since 1973 with a particular emphasis on the national levy-grant scheme that was introduced in Fiji in that same year. Developments in the Fiji National Training Council (FNTC) levy-grants scheme since its inception, including substantive amendments to the legislation in late 2002, form part of the scholarship. The thesis will provide an analytical narration of the training policy objectives and their transformation over a time span of almost three decades in the context of a small island nation. To inform this study, it was considered essential to compare the Fiji experience of levy grants schemes with other levy grants scheme. The author decided to use as the focal comparative benchmark the case of the Skills Development Fund (SDF) in Singapore. The SDF has been increasingly portrayed, by the World Bank, the International Labour Organisation and other influential agencies, as the best practice case when it comes to managing a training levy grants scheme. The thesis adopted a qualitative approach that utilized elements of case study, historical research, and key person interviews. The challenges of doing 'insider* research were explored because of its pertinence to the study. Because the study also involved the comparison of the policy experiences of two distinct countries, it was imperative to consider the issues and challenges of undertaking comparative research with particular reference to training matters- Given that training is often enmeshed with other human resources management issues, cognisance was taken of some of the broader debates in this regard. Following consideration of the methodological issues, the research paper explores the objectives of national training strategies and, in particular, issues relating to national competitiveness and skills development. The purpose is to situate the issue of training and skills development within the broader discourse of national development. Alternative approaches to the strategic role of training are considered both at the national and organisational level and some of the classic and current debates surrounding human capital investment are visited. The thesis then proceeds to examine the forms of, and rationale for government interventions in the area of training. One of the challenges both in practice and theoretically is to arrive at a consensual definition of training because of the constantly evolving context and boundaries in which training policies are fashioned. This provides the setting to examine the role that governments can and do play in skills development and how levy-grant schemes, in particular, contribute to the process. Three forms of levy grants schemes are identified and examined: levy-generating; levy-exemption; and levy-grant and reimbursement schemes. The levy-grant and reimbursement variant is the basic thrust of this thesis. In this regard, the UK experience with the levy-grant system from 1964 to 1981 is also reviewed. Some of the issues in relation to training levies are scrutinized including the levy as a sheltered source of training finance, levy rates, duration of levy, impact of levy on the quality and quantity of training, benefits to small businesses, links between training and strategic business objectives, repackaging of training to qualify for grants, and the process by which training levy policies are devised. In looking at the policy formulation, it was necessary to unpack the processes involved and explore the role of the state further. In relation to policy development and implementation, the consultation processes, role of bureaucrats, the policy context, and approaches to policy transfer are examined. In looking at the role of the state in policy development, the alternative roles of government are explored and the concepts of the 'developmental state' and the 'corporatist state* evaluated. The notion of the developmental state has particular relevance to this study given the emphasis placed by the Singaporean government on human resource development policies. This sets the scene for a detailed examination of the role of levy-grant training schemes in Fiji and Singapore. The Skills Development Fund in Singapore was developed as an integral component of national economic policy when the Singaporean government decided to break out of the 'low-skills' trap and move the economy towards a higher value adding structure. The levy-grant system was designed to complement the strategy by focusing on upgrading the skills of employees on lower incomes, the assumption being that employees on lower remuneration were more likely to need skills upgrading. The study notes that the early objectives of the SDF were displaced when it was revealed that the bulk of SDF expenditure was directed at higher level supervisory and management training. As a result, the SDF had to refocus its activities on small and medium enterprises and the workers who were likely to miss out on formal training opportunities. The Singaporean context also shows trade unions playing a significant role in worker education and literacy programmes financed under the SDF. To understand this requires some understanding of the historical linkages between the present Singaporean government and trade union leadership. Another aspect of the development of the SDF has been the constant shifting of the institutional responsibility for the scheme. As late as September 2003, the SDF was again moved, this time to the newly created Singapore Workforce Development Agency, with the focus turning to lifelong learning and assisting Singaporeans who are unemployed or made redundant as a result of the economic restructuring. The Fiji experience with the FNTC scheme is different. It evolved in the context of perceived skills shortages but there was a degree of ambiguity over its objectives. There were no specific linkages with economic policy. Relationships with other public training institutions and more recently, private training providers, have been fraught with difficulties. The study examines the origins of the policy, the early difficulties including perceived employer grievances, and the numerous external assessments of the Fiji levy-grant scheme noting that some of them were highly critical. The thesis also examines an attempted reform of the scheme in 1992-93 that proved unsuccessful and the more recent legislative reforms to the scheme in 2002 that have expanded the role of the scheme to encompass, inter alia, national occupational standards and accreditation activities. The thesis concludes by comparing the two schemes noting that the SDF is well entrenched as a policy instrument in Singapore whilst the FNTC is facing a struggle to assert its legitimacy in Fiji.

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The European Aarhus Convention is the only public law convention devoted to public participation in environmental matters. The Convention has application broadly to Australia as many of the Convention’s provisions are reflected in Australian environmental law. The Convention has an ambitious aim being, to engage civil society in effective public participation at all levels of environmental decision-making. Trade unions and workers as members of civil society are granted rights under the Aarhus Convention to participate in environmental decisions. However in spite of this, the trade union movement has largely ignored the Convention. This article examines the potential rights which the Convention grants to trade unions and workers and explores the broader debate regarding the involvement of unions in environmental matters.

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This work is focused on understanding the most important issues originated from the current Brazilian productive restructuring and its impacts on the formation of a new unionism style, especially the pattern followed by the Workers Union's Congress (CUT). From the processes that have been developing in the automotive factories of the ABC region, as well as inside the unions, we can say that: (i) the participation of the unions in the elaboration and modificaton of the productive processes and the labor organization has been increasing; (ii) this trend has been spreading very quickly inside the workers union movement linked to the CUT, strenghtening the inflexion taken by this Congress since the beginning of the nineties; (iii) the negotiations and its outcomes are drawing away from an approach that seeks to establish a mechanical correspondance between production flexibilization measures and the implementation of certain industrial relations.

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Intends to analyse the Brazilian tripartite, paritarian and de-centralized model that manages the resources of FAT (Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador - Workers Protection Fund) in the employment public system of Rio de Janeiro. To reach the proposed objective, the first chapter begins with a discussion on the corporativism in Brazil, its configuration and the determinants that permitted changes in its arrangements throughout Brazilian trade-union history. In the second chapter is presented the Brazilian employment public system, and the programs and plans that forms it, and its structural characteristics; at the end, a discussion is made about why the employment system is considered as being an hibrid corporative structure. The third chapter presents how is structured the Rio de Janeiro State Employment Comission nowadays, its history and main decisions and programs, and then verifies how is ocurring the representation of political interests in the Rio de Janeiro employment system, how the politics is being integrated to the programs, and to which extension the de-centralization is ocurring according to the legal presumptions of the public politic. At the end, the analisys is concluded by some considerations that try to resume the conclusions raised by the proposed reflection.