975 resultados para Transnacional political action


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This essay explores the nature and significance of aesthetic approaches to international political theory. More specifically, it contrasts aesthetic with mimetic forms of representation. The latter, which have dominated the study of international relations, seek to represent politics as realistically and authentically as possible, aiming at capturing world politics as it really is. An aesthetic approach, by contrast, assumes that there is always a gap between a form of representation and what is represented therewith. Rather than ignoring or seeking to narrow this gap, as mimetic approaches do, aesthetic insight recognises that the inevitable difference between the represented and its representation is the very location of politics. The essay, thus, argues for the need to reclaim the political value of the aesthetic; not to replace social science or technological reason, but to broaden our abilities to comprehend and deal with the key dilemmas of world politics. The ensuing model of thought facilitates productive interactions across different faculties, including sensibility, imagination and reason, without any of them annihilating the unique position and insight of the other.

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Andrew Tooke's 1691 English translation of Samuel Pufendorf's De officio hominis et civis, published as The Whole Duty of Man According to the Law of Nature, brought Pufendorf's manual fo statist natural law into English politics at a moment of temporary equilibrium in the unfinished contest between Crown and Parliament for the rights and powers of sovereignty. Drawing on the authors' re-edition of The Whole Duty of Man, this article describes and analyses a telling instance of how--by translation--the core political terms and concepts of the German natural jurist's 'absolutist' formulary were reshaped for reception in the different political culture of late seventeenth-century England.

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This article aims to discuss the personalism of Emmanuel Mounier, especially his views on the person and existence, and its relation to phenomenology. Mounier does not refer to the influence of phenomenology on his thoughts. However, it is possible to notice that his philosophy was strongly influenced by phenomenological ideas. Personalism is a philosophy that says a person`s value as an absolute. The absolute here is understood as a purpose that gives meaning to all the political and social organization. Human existence is the starting point and fundamental postulate of personalism. This means that there is, therefore, a priority of the existence about the human nature, understanding this as an information ""ontological definitive"". This position is a requirement of epistemological reformulation, which means, within personalism, the attempt to develop a phenomenology of existence, located between the radical objectivism of the science and subjectivism of metaphysics.

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In primates, the observation of meaningful, goaldirected actions engages a network of cortical areas located within the premotor and inferior parietal lobules. Current models suggest that activity within these regions arises relatively automatically during passive action observation without the need for topdown control. Here we used functional magnetic resonance imaging to determine whether cortical activit)' associated with action observation is modulated by the strategic allocation of selective attention. Normal observers viewed movie clips of reach-to-grasp actions while performing an easy or difficult visual discrimination at the fovea. A wholebrain analysis was performed to determine the effects of attentional load on neural responses to observed hand actions. Our results suggest that cortical areas involved in action observation are significantiy modulated by attentional load. These findings have important implications for recent attempts to link the human action-observation system to response properties of "mirror neurons" in monkeys.

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In this article we revisit a famous chapter of Brazilian history, yet to be properly analysed from an ethnological perspective: the `Tamoio confederation,` a coalition of 16th century coastal Tupian groups who threatened to undermine Portuguese colonization during the dispute between the French and Portuguese for the Guanabara region (now Rio de Janeiro). Was this `confederation` a new phenomenon in Tupian politics, engendered by the Conquest and inducing a shift towards political centralization? Or was it, on the contrary, the actualization of a possibility already (always) present in Tupian forms of political organization and action? These are the questions guiding our inquiry, which we seek to answer through the use of both historical sources and the in-depth ethnological knowledge of Tupi-Guarani peoples developed by various authors over recent decades.

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The aim of this article is to give an overview of the political situation of Brazil in 1810. It offers an opposed view to the traditional perspective, that presents a calm scenario, without great political challenges. In fact, although Brazil was in a different situation when compared with Spanish America, it was part of the same general context. It is true that Brazil had opportunities to learn its own ways to avoid revolutions, but, in the end, this goal was impossible to achieve.

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After discussing the meaning of the word politics, this paper shows that there are four possible approaches to the issue of the relationships between language, discourse and politics: a) the intrinsic political nature of language; b) the relations of power between discourses and their political dimension; c) the relations of power between languages and the political dimension of their usage and; d) linguistic policies. This paper addresses only the first two of these items. Languages have an intrinsically political nature because they subject their speakers to their order. The acts of silencing operationalized in discourse manifest a relation of power. The spread of discourses in the social space is also subject to the order of power. The use of language may be the space of pertinence, but is also that of exclusion, separation and even the elimination of the other. Therefore, language is not a neutral communication tool, but it is permeated by politics, by power. Because of the dislocations that it produces, literature is a form of swindling language, unveiling the powers that are imprinted on it.

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Based on a comprehensive study in research centers and libraries, a panorama of the critical response to Argentine rock in academic circles has been traced in various fields of knowledge. Research works including books, trade magazines, and academic papers on this musical movement spanning four decades have been consulted. The results show that the criticism has generated a ""developing tradition"" around the movement, mainly in the Social and Communication Sciences, and it has presented the following predominant traits: approaching rock essentially as a determinant of ""social identities""; periodization in the genre according to political regime: and analysis of the lyrics based solely on content. These traits contribute to a delimitation of rock as an exclusive phenomenon of the mass media, which relegates to secondary importance its aesthetic function and its relationship with other artistic series. Furthermore, we have observed a scarcity of approaches to rock lyrics as a linguistic-discursive surface.