Understanding the seriousness of corporate crime: Some lessons for the new 'corporate manslaughter' offence

The measurement of public attitudes towards the criminal law has become an important area of research in recent years because of the perceived desirability of ensuring that the legal system reflects broader societal values. In particular, studies into public perceptions of crime seriousness have attempted to measure the degree of concordance that exists between law and public opinion in the organization and enforcement of criminal offences. These understandings of perceived crime seriousness are particularly important in relation to high-profile issues where public confidence in the law is central to the legal agenda, such as the enforcement of work-related fatality cases. A need to respond to public concern over this issue was cited as a primary justification for the introduction of the Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act 2007. This article will suggest that, although literature looking at the perceived seriousness of corporate crime and, particularly, health and safety offences is limited in volume and generalist in scope, important lessons can be gleaned from existing literature, and pressing questions are raised that demand further empirical investigation.

Recovering potential: factors associated with success in engaging challenging students with alternative pre-16 provision

The study focuses on a group of young people for whom conventional school placements had broken down and were attending vocational courses at an FE college while still of compulsory school age. The students had been excluded by, or had failed to attend, their schools or had achieved at very low levels in the academic curriculum. Over half successfully completed the vocational course at college. Many factors conventionally regarded as predictors for poor educational outcomes were not associated with completion and non-completion. For example, students who had been excluded, who had statements of special educational needs and had been involved with the criminal justice system were as likely to complete their courses as other students. However, students who had very poor attendance records at school also tended to drop out of college. The results suggest that the increased flexibility, guidance and elements of work-related learning promised in current 14 - 19 developments may help meet the needs of this group of students.

Legal outlier, again? U.S. felon suffrage: comparative and international human rights perspectives

The judiciousness of American felon suffrage policies has long been the subject of scholarly debate, not least due to the large number of affected Americans: an estimated 5.3 million citizens are ineligible to vote as a result of a criminal conviction. This article offers comparative law and international human rights perspectives and aims to make two main contributions to the American and global discourse. After an introduction in Part I, Part II offers comparative law perspectives on challenges to disenfranchisement legislation, juxtaposing U.S. case law against recent judgments rendered by courts in Canada, South Africa, Australia, and by the European Court of Human Rights. The article submits that owing to its unique constitutional stipulations, as well as to a general reluctance to engage foreign legal sources, U.S. jurisprudence lags behind an emerging global jurisprudential trend that increasingly views convicts’ disenfranchisement as a suspect practice and subjects it to judicial review. This transnational judicial discourse follows a democratic paradigm and adopts a “residual liberty” approach to criminal justice that considers convicts to be rights-holders. The discourse rejects regulatory justifications for convicts’ disenfranchisement, and instead sees disenfranchisement as a penal measure. In order to determine its suitability as a punishment, the adverse effects of disenfranchisement are weighed against its purported social benefits, using balancing or proportionality review. Part III analyzes the international human rights treaty regime. It assesses, in particular, Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”), which proclaims that “every citizen” has a right to vote without “unreasonable restrictions.” The analysis concludes that the phrase “unreasonable restrictions” is generally interpreted in a manner which tolerates certain forms of disenfranchisement, whereas other forms (such as life disenfranchisement) may be incompatible with treaty obligations. This article submits that disenfranchisement is a normatively flawed punishment. It fails to treat convicts as politically-equal community members, degrades them, and causes them grave harms both as individuals and as members of social groups. These adverse effects outweigh the purported social benefits of disenfranchisement. Furthermore, as a core component of the right to vote, voter eligibility should cease to be subjected to balancing or proportionality review. The presumed facilitative nature of the right to vote makes suffrage less susceptible to deference-based objections regarding the judicial review of legislation, as well as to cultural relativity objections to further the international standardization of human rights obligations. In view of this, this article proposes the adoption of a new optional protocol to the ICCPR proscribing convicts’ disenfranchisement. The article draws analogies between the proposed protocol and the ICCPR’s “Optional Protocol Aiming at the Abolition of the Death Penalty.” If adopted, the proposed protocol would strengthen the current trajectory towards expanding convicts’ suffrage that emanates from the invigorated transnational judicial discourse.

Could the presumption of innocence protect the guilty?

At criminal trial, we demand that those accused of criminal wrongdoing be presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond any reasonable doubt. What are the moral and/or political grounds of this demand? One popular and natural answer to this question focuses on the moral badness or wrongness of convicting and punishing innocent persons, which I call the direct moral grounding. In this essay, I suggest that this direct moral grounding, if accepted, may well have important ramifications for other areas of the criminal justice process, and in particular those parts in which we (through our legislatures and judges) decide how much punishment to distribute to guilty persons. If, as the direct moral grounding suggests, we should prefer under-punishment to over-punishment under conditions of uncertainty, due to the moral seriousness of errors which inappropriately punish persons, then we should also prefer erring on the side of under-punishment when considering how much to punish those who may justly be punished. Some objections to this line of thinking are considered.

ELMs disease? Corporatism, stewardship and citizenship in the English countryside

Varying concepts of citizenship, implicit within policy providing countryside access opportunities in England and the sometimes contrasting political rhetoric concerning citizenship, are evaluated here. The focus for this paper surrounds the Countryside Stewardship Scheme and, generically, the access elements of Environmental Land Management schemes (ELMs) and the implications of the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act in this context. Policy formulation in respect of countryside access may not be prepared considering the philosophical implications for citizens rights or property rights constructions. However, it is hypothesized that particular modes of regulation and commodification (of certain countryside goods) are imbued with certain values which reflect a neo-Liberal political philosophy. This view is contextualized within present theoretical debates concerning rural society.

The Japanese Probation Service: a third sector template?

The use of probation in Japan is similar in some respects to probation in England and Wales (E&W) and unrecognizable in others. This article provides an outline of the structure and operation of probation in Japan and draws comparisons and contrasts with probation in England and Wales. It is intended to provide an overview for those who know little about Japanese criminal justice in general and about Japanese probation in particular. The focus in on accessible English language sources that will enable readers to follow up their interest and deepen their knowledge.

Vox Populi, Vox Dei? A closer look at the ‘public opinion’ argument for retention

The Japanese government’s justification for retaining the death penalty is that abolition would erode the legitimacy of and public trust in the criminal justice system, leading to victims’ families taking justice into their own hands. This justification is based on the results of a regularly administered public opinion survey, which is said to show strong public support for the death penalty. However, a close analysis of the results of the 2014 survey fails to validate this claim. Just over a third of respondents were committed to retaining the death penalty at all costs, while the rest accepted the possibility of future abolition, with some of them seeing this as contingent on the introduction of life imprisonment without parole as an alternative sentence. These findings hardly describe a society that expects the strict application of the death penalty and whose trust in justice depends on the government’s commitment to retaining it. My reading of the 2014 survey is that the Japanese public is ready to embrace abolition. Japan, after all, is a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which calls on states not to delay or prevent abolition, so this should be welcome news for the Japanese government!

O Réu sem rosto: a importância da audiência de custódia no processo penal sob a ótica da economia comportamental

Neste artigo são discutidas formas de promover a melhoria da política pública prisional brasileira especialmente no que tange o preso provisório, com enfoque nas contribuições que a economia comportamental pode fornecer ao direito. A questão central do debate é como o modelo processual atualmente adotado não cria um ambiente favorável à liberdade, na medida em que não promove o diálogo entre o acusado e seu julgador. Os estudos econômicos, assim, podem nos fornecer importantes lições de como reverter a curva ascendente do número de presos provisórios no país e o impacto da instituição da audiência de custódia no processo penal brasileiro.

Justiça restaurativa: um modelo democrático de reforma institucional?

Este artigo se propõe a refletir acerca da justiça restaurativa como um paradigma possível de reforma institucional no contexto brasileiro, diante dos inúmeros problemas estruturais existentes no sistema prisional. Inicialmente, será apresentado um diagnóstico da situação atual do sistema carcerário brasileiro e de impactos sofridos pelos indivíduos em cumprimento de pena privativa de liberdade. Em seguida, serão levantadas algumas possibilidades de reformas apresentadas por estudiosos e policy makers. Por fim, será apresentada a justiça restaurativa como alternativa ao modelo de justiça retributiva tradicional. A partir de uma breve explicitação do seu conceito e de seus valores, o objetivo é pensar se essa nova forma de lidar com o delito pode contribuir para um sistema de justiça criminal mais participativo e democrático, apontando-se desafios à implementação desse paradigma de justiça no Brasil. No final do texto, é feito um balanço da discussão apresentada, concluindo-se que a adoção da justiça restaurativa como possível reforma do sistema de justiça criminal brasileiro parece promissora, ainda que adotada de forma experimental e incremental e carente de estudos mais aprofundados que levem em conta as particularidades do país.

Justiça penal negociada: o processo penal pelas partes

O presente trabalho busca analisar a aplicabilidade da Justiça Penal Negociada no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro a partir do papel desempenhado pelas partes no processo penal. Nesse sentido, quanto ao Ministério Público, serão estudadas as funções exercidas pelos seus membros, bem como as principais características institucionais, a fim de se interpretar a natureza da sua atividade na promoção da ação penal pública, especialmente o dilema entre a possibilidade de atuação discricionária ou a sua vinculação à obrigatoriedade. Em relação ao imputado, serão examinadas a possibilidade jurídica de limitação infraconstitucional aos seus direitos fundamentais e de renúncia ao exercício das suas garantias processuais individuais. Por fim, a partir do atual panorama evolutivo dos acordos criminais existentes na nossa legislação, espera-se verificar se de fato há uma tendência de fortalecimento do papel das partes e de desfocalização da figura do juiz, passando para o Ministério Público a tarefa de regulador do processo penal, ao negociar com o imputado as repercussões penais de suas condutas.

"Não compre, plante"? A tipificação penal das situações de cultivo de Canábis pelo Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo

A Lei nº 11.343 de 23 de agosto de 2006 (Lei de Drogas) instituiu o Sistema Nacional de Políticas Públicas sobre Drogas e criou as diretrizes para a política de drogas brasileira. Dentre o conjunto de medidas trazidas pela lei em seu dispositivo criminal está a criação de um tipo penal específico de cultivo de plantas para produção de drogas para consumo pessoal (art. 28, §1º). O plantio para consumo recebe o mesmo tratamento jurídico-penal que o porte para consumo (art. 28), sendo previstas sanções alternativas à privação de liberdade. O §2º do art. 28 da Lei de Drogas estabelece os critérios que as autoridades competentes do sistema de justiça criminal deverão considerar na tipificação penal das situações de cultivo. Este trabalho se debruça sobre a tipificação penal de situações de cultivo de canábis em acórdãos do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. A problemática de pesquisa aqui desenvolvida discute especificamente quais são os argumentos e como eles são apresentados nas decisões para justificar a determinação de que uma situação de cultivo é para fins de tráfico ou de consumo pessoal. O trabalho busca identificar como os critérios do §2º do art. 28 da Lei de Drogas são apresentados na fundamentação de decisões judiciais em que se discute na esfera criminal se uma situação de cultivo é para “consumo pessoal” ou “destinada a terceiros”. Uma pergunta central norteia a pesquisa realizada: quais os elementos e de que forma eles são utilizados nas decisões analisadas para tipificação do plantio para consumo pessoal (art. 28, §1º, da Lei de Drogas) e do plantio destinado a fornecer drogas a terceiros (art. 33, §1º, II)? Para enfrentar a problemática de pesquisa utilizamos a ferramenta de busca de acórdãos disponibilizada no sítio eletrônico do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. Foram analisados 135 acórdãos do TJSP que enfrentam diretamente a controvérsia relativa à tipificação penal de situações de cultivo de canábis. Os acórdãos foram proferidos entre os anos de 1998 e 2014 e foram selecionados segundo os critérios especificados no capítulo metodológico da dissertação. Os resultados quantitativos da pesquisa dizem respeito às informações gerais dos processos, elementos de prova mencionados nos acórdãos, características das situações de cultivo e fundamentação da tipificação penal. A discussão qualitativa sobre os resultados da pesquisa é promovida em quatro frentes: (i) interpretação e valoração da quantidade de drogas; (ii) antecedentes criminais, circunstâncias da prisão e do agente; (iii) materiais de venda e outros elementos relevantes na tipificação penal; e (iv) características do conjunto probatório. As questões discutidas nestas frentes circunscrevem o problema de pesquisa e é a partir delas que é feita a análise apresentada neste trabalho. Esperamos conseguir contribuir para melhor compreensão (i) da determinação da finalidade do cultivo e (ii) das implicações jurídicas que decorrem da opção legislativa pela não utilização de critérios quantitativos na definição dos crimes de tráfico de drogas e plantio para consumo.

Efetivação da garantia de defesa no estado constitucional de direito: colisão entre o poder punitivo e garantia de defesa

The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality