881 resultados para Collective Households
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In this article, we demonstrate that the collective actions of undocumented migrants possess similar symbolic dimensions, even if the contexts of their actions differ. We explain this finding by focusing on the power relations that undocumented migrants face. Given that they occupy a very specific position in society (i.e., they are neither included in nor completely excluded from citizenship), they experience similar forms of power relations vis-à-vis public authorities in different countries. We argue that this leads them to participate in collective actions as acts of emancipation. Our analysis illustrates this argument by comparing marches by undocumented migrants in three countries: France, Germany and Canada-Quebec. Through an in-depth analysis, we demonstrate that these marches redefine the legal order and politicize the presence of undocumented migrants in the public sphere. By highlighting the cognitive, emotional and relational dimensions of collective actions, we show that the symbolic dimension of these three marches relates to the empowerment, pride and solidarity of undocumented migrants.
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This article seeks to explain how and why groups and networks of undocumented migrants mobilizing in Berlin, Montréal, and Paris since the beginning of the 2000s construct different types of claims. The authors explore the relationship between undocumented migrants and state authorities at the local level through the concept of the citizenship regime and its specific application to undocumented migrants (which they describe as the “borderline citizenship regime”). Despite their common formal exclusion from citizenship, nonstatus migrants experience different degrees and forms of exclusion in their daily lives, in terms of access to certain rights and services, recognition, and belonging within the state (whether through formally or nonformally recognized means). As a result, they have an opportunity to create different, specific forms of leeway in the society in which they live. The concurrence of these different degrees of exclusion and different forms of leeway defines specific conditions of mobilization. The authors demonstrate how the content of their claims is influenced by these conditions of mobilization.
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In this article, we consider the changing relationships between French ‘have-not’ movements (the unemployed, the homeless, undocumented persons) and the main organizations involved in the alter-globalization field from 1995 to 2005. We demonstrate how the building of the global space of protest in France was punctuated by two moments. The first corresponds to the gradual convergence of social actors around the issue of globalization, translated into a renewal of activists’ discourses, the development of multiple scales of mobilizations and a functional division of tasks among actors. The second moment corresponds more to the crystallization of divisions among them. These divisions are articulated around different conceptions of what the struggle's aims should be (a fight against liberalism or an alternative experiment) and differences regarding the sense of belonging to the global space of protest (transnational networks or national territory). The history of convergence placed the have-nots at the heart of alter-globalist mobilizations, whereas the history of divergence translated into a ‘decentering’ of the place of the have-nots within this space. Their progressive marginalization also reveals the transformations of struggles against globalization in France.
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Since the first edition of the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil, 2001, similar initiatives have flourished at the local scales. In the existing literature, local social forums are generally considered to be a natural replication of the world social forums. Beyond the label “social forums,” what do the practices of local social forums specifically entail and what is the meaning of these practices for local activists?I propose a comparison of eight cases situated in two distinct societies (Quebec and France). I use a multi-approach methodology, combining direct observation, focus groups, interviews, and documentary analysis.I show that despite strong national differences, a highly decentralized process, and the strong autonomy of local actors, local social forums share structural characteristics, and the expression “social forum” is associated with ways of doing things that limit the variety of local social forum initiatives: organizers share a common intentionality; the mode of operation of local social forum process and event belong to the same political culture and translate into the same practices; and the outputs of these gatherings are similar in terms of the building of ties. Overall, local social forums are used as tactical and cultural collective action repertoires by actors, redefining the boundaries of social resistance and its practices.
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Commentaire / Commentary
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C'est en avril 1980 que Jacques Lessard rassemble autour de lui quelques diplômés du Conservatoire d'art dramatique de Québec et jette les bases de ce qui allait devenir l'une des plus remarquables entreprises théâtrales du Québec des années 80. Le Théâtre Repère, tout comme le groupe Carbone 14, le Nouveau Théâtre expérimental, la troupe Omnibus, le Théâtre expérimental des femmes et le groupe La Veillée, s'inscrit dans ce que, faute d'appellation officielle, on pourrait qualifier de courant postmoderne. [...]
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À l’heure où les limites du modèle de la démocratie représentative traditionnelle apparaissent de plus en plus évidentes, on a pu défendre, dans la littérature récente, un modèle sensiblement différent : celui d’une démocratie épistémique, tirant parti, par le mécanisme de la délibération inclusive, d’une forme d’intelligence collective qui serait disséminée à travers les agents d’une collectivité. Or, les partisans d’une telle approche se réclament souvent d’un argument qu’on trouve sous la plume d’Aristote en Politique, III, 11. L’objectif de cette étude est d’examiner la légitimité d’une telle filiation, en examinant de manière comparative les arguments modernes en faveur de la démocratie épistémique délibérative et le texte aristotélicien. Un tel travail permet de nuancer la portée du recours à Aristote dans les justifications épistémiques de la démocratie : d’une part, le mécanisme auquel songe Aristote dans le texte de la Politique ne saurait se ramener à une forme quelconque de délibération inclusive ; et, d’autre part, l’argument épistémique se trouve restreint par la mise en évidence des limites intrinsèques du régime démocratique. Plutôt que la source d’une position moderne en faveur de la démocratie, on trouverait alors chez Aristote l’occasion de penser le danger concret qui guette tout modèle délibératif : c’est-à-dire, la confiscation du débat public par une minorité de démagogues, qui empêche la collectivité de tirer parti de la diversité cognitive qu’elle contient.
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Dans ce texte, je propose d’adapter la théorie de l’agentivité collective de List et Pettit de manière à considérer les nations comme des agents. Cet exercice pourrait ainsi conférer un argument supplémentaire aux théories des droits collectifs s’intéressant aux groupes nationaux puisque ces derniers pourront véritablement être reconnus comme des sujets de droits, capables d’autodétermination et de revendications morales. La théorie des droits collectifs de Seymour sera utilisée comme modèle à cet égard. Bien que le libéralisme politique dans lequel s’inscrit Seymour refuse de se prononcer sur des problèmes métaphysiques, il est intéressant d’ouvrir la possibilité conceptuelle que des groupes nationaux soient des agents à part entière. Pour ce faire, il faudra déterminer comment un agent national peut prendre des décisions et comment il peut subir des actions, en plus d’étudier ce que cela pourrait impliquer pour la responsabilité collective des nations.
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The present study made an attempt to analyze the socio-economic background and the consumption pattern of scheduled caste households in Idukki district. The objectives of the study are to examine consumption pattern among the scheduled cast population, differences in the average consumption expenditure of different decile groups, consumption expenditure elasticity of items, variations in expenditure of SC households on food, non-food and total expenditure and to examine the association between consumption expenditure and variables such as income, education, occupation and area of residence. The study reveals that the Monthly Per Capita Expenditure of scheduled castes population in rural Kerala is lower than that of the general population. Average household size is higher in rural sector for Scheduled Caste in Kerala as well as all-India. The per capita expenditure of Scheduled Castes of rural Kerala is found to be much lower than that of general population. The study has found that the levels of livings of the Scheduled Castes are far the below the expectations. Large percentage of the Scheduled Caste belongs to the lower income groups. This is due their very low economic status and the consequent employment prospects in low paying occupations. The consumption standards of the majority of Scheduled Castes are found much below that of General population. Effective implementation of the Schemes for their economic upliftment is needed for improving their consumption standards, Minimum Wage Act in the case of agricultural labourers etc. are some of recommendations on the basis of this study.
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The dynamics of diffusion of electrons and ions from the laser-produced plasma from a multielement superconducting material, namely YBa2Cu3O7, using a Q-switched Nd:YAG laser is investigated by time-resolved emission-spectroscopic techniques at various laser irradiances. It is observed that beyond a laser irradiance of 2.6 \xC3\x97 1011 W cm-2, the ejected plume collectively drifts away from the target with a sharp increase in velocity to 1.25 \xC3\x97 106 cm s-1, which is twice its velocity observed at lower laser irradiances. This sudden drift apparently occurs as a result of the formation of a charged double layer at the external plume boundary. This diffusion is collective, that is, the electrons and ions inside the plume diffuse together simultaneously and hence it is similar to the ambipolar diffusion of charged particles in a discharge plasma
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Dept.of Applied Economics,Cochin University of Science and Technology
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We have investigated the fragmentation of collective modes in doped 4He drops in the framework of a finite-range density-functional theory, as well as the delocalization of the impurity inside the cluster. Our results indicate that the impurity is gradually delocalized inside the drop as the size of the latter increases. As an example, results are shown in the case of Xe-4HeN systems up to N=112.
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Collective dynamic properties in Lennard-Jones crystals are investigated by molecular dynamics simulation. The study is focused on properties such as the dynamic structure factors, the longitudinal and transverse currents and the density of states. The influence on these properties of the structural disorder is analyzed by comparing the results for one-component crystals with those for liquids and supercooled liquids at analogous conditions. The effects of species-disorder on the collective properties of binary crystals are also discussed.
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Existence of collective effects in magnetic coupling in ionic solids is studied by mapping spin eigenstates of the Heisenberg and exact nonrelativistic Hamiltonians on cluster models representing KNiF3, K2NiF4, NiO, and La2CuO4. Ab initio techniques are used to estimate the Heisenberg constant J. For clusters with two magnetic centers, the values obtained are about the same for models having more magnetic centers. The absence of collective effects in J strongly suggests that magnetic interactions in this kind of ionic solids are genuinely local and entangle only the two magnetic centers involved.