842 resultados para right wing extremism, germany
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In March 2004, the Scottish government announced a review of eye care services in Scotland, which culminated in the introduction of free eye examinations from 1st April 2006. This free eye examination is not just a sight test; it is a thorough examination to check the health of the patient’s eyes and to look for signs of other health problems. The Scottish government commissioned private ophthalmic optician practices to perform these eye examinations. Consequently, since April 2006 individuals in Scotland could walk into any high street optometry practice and get a ‘free’ eye examination funded under the NHS.
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We first confirm previous results with the German Socio-Economic Panel by Layard et al. (2010), and obtain strong negative effects of comparison income. However, when we split the sample by age, we find quite different results for reference income. The effects on lifesatisfaction are positive and significant for those under 45, consistent with Hirschman’s (1973) ‘tunnel effect’, and only negative (and larger than in the full sample) for those over 45, when relative deprivation dominates. Thus for young respondents, reference income’s signalling role, indicating potential future prospects, can outweigh relative deprivation effects. Own-income effects are also larger for the older sample, and of greater magnitude than the comparison income effect. In East Germany the reference income effects are insignificant for all. With data from the British Household Panel Survey, we confirm standard results when encompassing all ages, but reference income loses significance in both age groups, and most surprisingly, even own income becomes insignificant for those over 45, while education has significant negative effects.
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The purpose of this paper is to highlight the curiously circular course followed by mainstream macroeconomic thinking in recent times. Having broken from classical orthodoxy in the late 1930s via Keynes’s General Theory, over the last three or four decades the mainstream conventional wisdom, regressing rather than progressing, has now come to embrace a conception of the working of the macroeconomy which is again of a classical, essentially pre-Keynesian, character. At the core of the analysis presented in the typical contemporary macro textbook is the (neo)classical model of the labour market, which represents employment as determined (given conditions of productivity) by the terms of labour supply. While it is allowed that changes in aggregate demand may temporarily affect output and employment, the contention is that in due course employment will automatically return to its ‘natural’ (full employment) level. Unemployment is therefore identified as a merely frictional or voluntary phenomenon: involuntary unemployment - in other words persisting demand-deficient unemployment - is entirely absent from the picture. Variations in aggregate demand are understood to have a lasting impact only on the price level, not on output and employment. This in effect amounts to a return to a Pigouvian conception such as targeted by Keynes in the General Theory. We take the view that this reversion to ideas which should by now be obsolete reflects not the discovery of logical or empirical deficiencies in the Keynes analysis, but results rather from doctrinaire blindness and failure of scholarship on account of which essential features of the Keynes theory have been overlooked or misrepresented. There is an urgent need for a critical appraisal of the current conventional macroeconomic wisdom.
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Genuine Savings (GS), also known as ‘net adjusted savings’, is a composite indicator of the sustainability of economic development. Genuine Savings reflects year-on-year changes in the total wealth or capital of a country, including net investment in produced capita, investment in human capital, depletion of natural resources, and damage caused by pollution. A negative Genuine Savings rate suggests that the stock of national wealth is declining and that future utility must be less than current utility, indicating that economic development is non-sustainable (Hamilton and Clemens, 1999). We make use of data over a 150 year period to examine the relationship between Genuine Savings and a number of indicators of well-being over time, and compare the relative changes in human, produced, and components of natural capital over the period. Overall, we find that the magnitude of genuine savings is positively related to changes in future consumption, with some evidence of a cointegrating relationship. However, the relationships between genuine savings and infant mortality or average heights are less clear.
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This position paper considers the devolution of further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in the context of the objectives and remit of the Smith Commission. The argument builds on our discussion of fiscal decentralization made in our previous published work on this topic. We ask what sort of budget constraint the Scottish Parliament should operate with. A soft budget constraint (SBC) allows the Scottish Parliament to spend without having to consider all of the tax and, therefore, political consequences, of that spending, which is effectively the position at the moment. The incentives to promote economic growth through fiscal policy – on both the tax and spending sides are weak to non-existent. This is what the Scotland Act, 1998, and the continuing use of the Barnett block grant, gave Scotland. Now other budget constraints are being discussed – those of the Calman Commission (2009) and the Scotland Act (2012), as well as the ones offered in 2014 by the various political parties – Scottish Conservatives, Scottish Greens, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Liberal Democrats and the Scottish Government. There is also the budget constraint designed by the Holtham Commission (2010) for Wales that could just as well be used in Scotland. We examine to what extent these offer the hard budget constraint (HBC) that would bring tax policy firmly into the realm of Scottish politics, asking the Scottish electorate and Parliament to consider the costs to them of increasing spending in terms of higher taxes; or the benefits to them of using public spending to grow the tax base and own-sourced taxes? The hardest budget constraint of all is offered by independence but, as is now known, a clear majority of those who voted in the referendum did not vote for this form of budget constraint. Rather they voted for a significant further devolution of fiscal powers while remaining within a political and monetary union with the rest of the UK, with the risk pooling and revenue sharing that this implies. It is not surprising therefore that none of the budget constraints on offer, apart from the SNP’s, come close to the HBC of independence. However, the almost 25% fall in the price of oil since the referendum, a resource stream so central to the SNP’s economic policy making, underscores why there is a need for a trade off between a HBC and risk pooling and revenue sharing. Ranked according to the desirable characteristic of offering something approaching a HBC the least desirable are those of the Calman Commission, the Scotland Act, 2012, and Scottish Labour. In all of these the ‘elasticity’ of the block grant in the face of failure to grow the Scottish tax base is either not defined or is very elastic – meaning that the risk of failure is shuffled off to taxpayers outside of Scotland. The degree of HBC in the Scottish Conservative, Scottish Greens and Scottish Liberal Democrats proposals are much more desirable from an economic growth point of view, the latter even embracing the HBC proposed by the Holtham Commission that combines serious tax policy with welfare support in the long-run. We judge that the budget constraint in the SNP’s proposals is too hard as it does not allow for continuation of the ‘welfare union’ in the UK. We also consider that in the case of a generalized UK economic slow requiring a fiscal stimulus that the Scottish Parliament be allowed increased borrowing to be repaid in the next economic upturn.
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Abstract Right hemispheric stroke aphasia (RHSA) rarely occurs in right- or left-handed patients with their language representation in right hemisphere (RH). For right-handers, the term crossed aphasia is used. Single cases, multiple cases reports, and reviews suggest more variable anatomo-clinical correlations. We included retrospectively from our stroke data bank 16 patients (right- and left-handed, and ambidextrous) with aphasia after a single first-ever ischemic RH stroke. A control group was composed of 25 successive patients with left hemispheric stroke and aphasia (LHSA). For each patient, we analyzed four modalities of language (spontaneous fluency, naming, repetition, and comprehension) and recorded eventual impairment: (1) on admission (hyperacute) and (2) between day 3 and 14 (acute). Lesion volume and location as measured on computed tomography (CT) and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) were transformed into Talairach stereotaxic space. Nonparametric statistics were used to compare impaired/nonimpaired patients. Comprehension and repetition were less frequently impaired after RHSA (respectively, 56% and 50%) than after LHSA (respectively, 84% and 80%, P = 0.05 and 0.04) only at hyperacute phase. Among RHSA, fewer left-handers/ambidextrous than right-handers had comprehension disorders at second evaluation (P = 0.013). Mean infarct size was similar in RHSA and LHSA with less posterior RHSA lesions (caudal to the posterior commissure). Comprehension and repetition impairments were more often associated with anterior lesions in RHSA (Fisher's exact test, P < 0.05). Despite the small size of the cohort, our findings suggest increased atypical anatomo-functional correlations of RH language representation, particularly in non-right-handed patients. Rapport de synthèse : Des aphasies secondaires à un accident vasculaire ischémique cérébral (AVC) hémisphérique droit sont rarement rencontrées chez des patients droitiers ou gauchers avec une représentation du langage dans l'hémisphère droit. Chez les droitiers, on parle d'aphasie croisée. Plusieurs études sur le sujet ont suggéré des corrélations anatomocliniques plus variables. Dans notre étude, nous avons inclus rétrospectivement, à partir d'une base de données de patients avec un AVC, seize patients (droitiers, gauchers et ambidextres) souffrant d'une aphasie suite à un premier et unique AVC ischémique hémisphérique droit. Un groupe contrôle est composé de vingt-cinq patients successifs avec une aphasie suite à un AVC ischémique hémisphérique gauche. Pour chaque patient, nous avons analysé quatre modalités de langage, à savoir la fluence spontanée, la dénomination, la répétition et la compréhension et leur éventuelle atteinte à deux moments distincts : 1) à l'admission (phase hyperaiguë) et 2) entre le 3e et le 14e jour (phase aiguë). Le volume et la localisation de la lésion mesurés, soit sur un CT-scanner soit sur une imagerie par résonance magnétique cérébrale, ont été analysés à l'aide de l'échelle stéréotaxique de Talairach. Des statistiques non paramétriques ont été utilisées pour comparer les patients atteints et non atteints. . La compréhension et la répétition étaient moins souvent atteintes, seulement en phase hyperaiguë, après une aphasie suite à un AVC hémisphérique droit (resp. 56% et 50%) plutôt que gauche (resp. 84 % et 80%, p= 0.05 et 0.04). Parmi les aphasies suite à un AVC ischémique hémisphérique droit, moins de gauchers et d'ambidextres que de droitiers avaient des troubles de la compréhension lors de la seconde évaluation (p=0.013}. La .taille moyenne de la zone infarcie était semblable entre les aphasies droites et gauches, avec moins de lésions postérieures (caudale à la commissure postérieure) lors des aphasies droites. Les troubles de la répétition et de la compréhension étaient plus souvent associés à des lésions antérieures lors d'aphasie droite. (Fischer's exact test, p>0.05). Malgré la petite taille de notre cohorte de patients, ces résultats suggèrent une augmentation des corrélations anatomocliniques atypiques lors d'une représentation du langage dans l'hémisphère droit, surtout chez les patients non droitiers.
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BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVE: Standardization of surgical technique helps to reproduce excellent clinical outcomes, especially in teaching institutions. We aim to describe in detail our established approach for oncological right colectomy. TECHNIQUE: The right colon is mobilized in a five-step latero-inferior approach starting off with (1) the terminal ileum, visualizing the duodenum and the head of pancreas. (2) The ascending colon is dissected from the retroperitoneum, and takedown of the hepatic flexure is completed coming retrograde from the transverse colon (3). (4) Transection of the remaining retroperitoneal attachments completes exposure of the duodenum and mobilization of the right colon. (5) Ileocolic vessels are dissected out and divided close to their origin, and the mesocolon is divided. We then establish intestinal continuity by use of a side-to-side stapled technique. (1) The arms of a linear cutting stapler are inserted via transverse incisions at the anti-mesenteric sides of the terminal ileum and the transverse colon (tenia) and fired. (2) The enterotomy site is closed by removal of the specimen using a second transverse firing of the linear cutting stapler. An important final step is the (3) reinforcement of the anastomotic ends and the crossing of the staple lines; an omental patch and closure of the mesenteric window are optional. CONCLUSION: The suggested standardized five-step lateral-to-medial dissection of the right colon and the three-step side-to-side stapled technique for ileo-colonic anastomosis are easy to learn and to reproduce. Careful adherence to pivotal technical details will help to obtain an optimal oncological outcome and a consistently low leak rate around 2 %.
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Elite perceptions about Europe are a very important point in order to understand the current European integration process, as well as the future perspectives for the continent. This study makes a comparison between the perceptions which political and economical elites in some European countries have about the European Union process and its mechanisms. The main goal is to identify the differences in positions of each type of elites, as well as the variations among three key countries. The database built thanks to the INTUNE (Integrated and United? A quest for Citizenship in an ¨ever closer Europe¨) Project Survey on European Elites and Masses, funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the EU [Contract CIT 3-CT-2005-513421] have being used. The questionnaire was applied between February and May 2007, in a total of 18 European countries. The national teams got a total of almost 2000 valid responses at European level. In the analysis we have showed some general descriptive statistics about the perception of Europe taking as a reference two dimensions of the INTUNE project: identity (attachment to the national level, the meaning of being a truly national, and the threats from Turkey that EU is facing at this moment) and representation (trust in European and national institutions, preferences for a national or an European army). The results are presented distinguishing between political (national MP’s in low chambers) and economical elites (presidents of corporations, general managers…) and, at the same time, among three countries: Germany as an original member of the European Union; Spain, incorporated in 1986; and a new member, Poland, joining the EU in 2004.
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For economic reasons, the tendency in western communities is to simplify the investigations for a given pathology. This case is typically the one where some more money has to be invested to achieve the correct diagnosis.
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The population of industrialized societies has increased tremendously over the last century, raising the question on how an enhanced age affects cognition. The relevance of two models of healthy aging are contrasted in the present study that both target the functioning of the two cerebral hemispheres. The right hemi-aging model (RHAM) assumes that functions of the right hemisphere decline before those of the left hemisphere. The Hemispheric Asymmetry Reduction in Older Adults (HAROLD) Model suggests that the contralateral hemisphere supports the normally superior hemisphere in a given task resulting in a reduced hemispheric asymmetry overall. In a mixed design, 20 younger and 20 older adults performed both a task assessing a left (lateralized lexical decisions) and a right (sex decisions on chimeric faces) hemisphere advantage. Results indicated that lateralized performance in both tasks was attenuated in older as compared to younger adults, in particular in men. These observations support the HAROLD model. Future studies should investigate whether this reduced functional hemispheric asymmetry in older age results from compensatory processes or from a process of de-differentiation
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Hem establert les bases metodològiques i teòriques per investigar la pregunta “Tenen les nacions sense estat el dret de controlar el seu propi espai de comunicació?”. La investigació ajusta el concepte d’espai de comunicació a la teoria política, cercant els seus límits en els drets individuals i, des de la perspectiva del liberalisme 2, aportant la justificació del seu control en quant que plataforma que incideix en la conservació i supervivència d’una cultura nacional. El primer article i fase de la tesi és l’adaptació i definició del concepte espai de comunicació. Fins ara, la recerca ha proposat diferents models d’espai de comunicació entenent si es tracta d’una visió emfatitzant la distribució i la producció de material marcat amb els símbols de la identitat nacional de la societat emissora, o bé si emfatitza la idea d’un espai de circulació de fluxos comunicatiu ajustat a un territori tradicionalment vinculat a una identitat nacional o nació sense estat. Igualment, es distingeix la dimensió d’emissió –sortir del territori al món- i la de recepció –fluxos informatius rebuts des del món al territori, concretament, al ciutadà; el paper d’intervenció de les institucions democràtiques és diferent en una dimensió o una altra i, per tant, també són diferents els drets afectats i les teories o principis que neguen o justifiquen el control de l’espai de comunicació. També s’ha indagat en les teories sobre els efectes cognitius dels mitjans de comunicació per relacionar-los amb la construcció nacional com a cohesió simbòlica i cultural. Si bé els mitjans no poden fer canviar de pensament immediatament, sí que poden conformar a llarg termini una percepció nacional general. Una comunitat és imaginada, donada la distància física dels seus components, i la comunicació social és, juntament amb l’educació, el principal factor de construcció nacional, avui en dia.