La paz Caliente (Coyuntura)

Este artículo pasa revista a los acontecimientos que han caracterizado las relaciones internacionales desde la publicación del número anterior. Analiza los pasos que se han dado en la campaña contra el terrorismo internacional que Estados Unidos y una coalición de estados iniciaron a raíz de los atentados del 11 de septiembre. En ese contexto considera que el proceso de estabilización política y reconstrucción de Afganistán no ha registrado mayores avances y que la situación actual en ese país bien podría desembocar en una reanudación de las confrontaciones políticas, si no en una nueva guerra civil. Se analizan también las nuevas tensiones que han surgido en el conflicto del Medio Oriente y en las legendarias disputas entre la India y Pakistán. En América Latina se vive una combinación de turbulencias económicas y financieras y de inestabilidad política y social.

Economías andinas: también atrapadas por la crisis (Coyuntura)

Este artículo analiza los principales elementos de las crisis en América Latina y sus expresiones en la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN), enfatizando algunas repercusiones en el proceso de integración andina. El autor señala que los países miembros de la CAN presentan un cuadro de debilidad económica y de fragilidad política cuyas perspectivas parecen prolongarse afectadas por las dificultades que atraviesan otras economías como la norteamericana, europea o japonesa, lo que pone en evidencia el poco éxito del modelo económico imperante. Finalmente analiza el papel y las posibilidades de los mecanismos multilaterales y regionales sobre las economías andinas.

Terrorism and cabinet duration

Terrorism can strengthen or weaken electoral support for ruling governments. We show in a simple model of coalition formation that, regardless of the direction of a public opinion shock, the impact of terrorism on cabinet duration is ambiguous. However, in an analysis of a data set including 2,400 cabinets in over 150 countries in the period 1970–2002, we find that terrorism, on average, shortens cabinet duration. This result is robust for a range of alternative terror measures and is present in both democratic as well as autocratic political regimes.

Do autocratic states trade less?

Does the political regime of a country influence its involvement in international trade? A theoretical model that predicts that autocracies trade less than democracies is developed, and the predictions of the model are tested empirically using a panel of more than 130 countries for 1962–2000. In contrast to the existing literature, data on the regime type of individual countries are used rather than information about the congruence of the regime type of pairs of trading countries. In line with the model, autocracies are found to import substantially less than democracies, even after controlling for official trade policies. This finding is very stable and does not depend on a particular setup or estimation technique.

An historical perspective on forecast errors

Using annual observations on industrial production over the last three centuries, and on GDP over a 100-year period, we seek an historical perspective on the forecastability of these UK output measures. The series are dominated by strong upward trends, so we consider various specifications of this, including the local linear trend structural time-series model, which allows the level and slope of the trend to vary. Our results are not unduly sensitive to how the trend in the series is modelled: the average sizes of the forecast errors of all models, and the wide span of prediction intervals, attests to a great deal of uncertainty in the economic environment. It appears that, from an historical perspective, the postwar period has been relatively more forecastable.

Explanations of the inconsistencies in survey respondents' forecasts

A comparison of the point forecasts and the probability distributions of inflation and output growth made by individual respondents to the US Survey of Professional Forecasters indicates that the two sets of forecasts are sometimes inconsistent. We evaluate a number of possible explanations, and find that not all forecasters update their histogram forecasts as new information arrives. This is supported by the finding that the point forecasts are more accurate than the histograms in terms of first-moment prediction.

Risk aversion, overconfidence and private information as determinants of majority thresholds

We present and experimentally test a theoretical model of majority threshold determination as a function of voters’ risk preferences. The experimental results confirm the theoretical prediction of a positive correlation between the voter's risk aversion and the corresponding preferred majority threshold. Furthermore, the experimental results show that a voter's preferred majority threshold negatively relates to the voter's confidence about how others will vote. Moreover, in a treatment in which individuals receive a private signal about others’ voting behaviour, the confidence-related motivation of behaviour loses ground to the signal's strength.

The Cold War and its aftermath in the Americas: the search for a synthetic interpretation of U.S. policy

More than two decades have passed since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the transfer of the Cold War file from a daily preoccupation of policy makers to a more detached assessment by historians. Scholars of U.S.-Latin American relations are beginning to take advantage both of the distance in time and of newly opened archives to reflect on the four decades that, from the 1940s to the 1980s, divided the Americas, as they did much of the world. Others are seeking to understand U.S. policy and inter-American relations in the post-Cold War era, a period that not only lacks a clear definition but also still has no name. Still others have turned their gaze forward to offer policies in regard to the region for the new Obama administration. Numerous books and review essays have addressed these three subjects—the Cold War, the post-Cold War era, and current and future issues on the inter-American agenda. Few of these studies attempt, however, to connect the three subjects or to offer new and comprehensive theories to explain the course of U.S. policies from the beginning of the twentieth century until the present. Indeed, some works and policy makers continue to use the mind-sets of the Cold War as though that conflict were still being fought. With the benefit of newly opened archives, some scholars have nevertheless drawn insights from the depths of the Cold War that improve our understanding of U.S. policies and inter-American relations, but they do not address the question as to whether the United States has escaped the longer cycle of intervention followed by neglect that has characterized its relations with Latin America. Another question is whether U.S. policies differ markedly before, during, and after the Cold War. In what follows, we ask whether the books reviewed here provide any insights in this regard and whether they offer a compass for the future of inter-American relations. We also offer our own thoughts as to how their various perspectives could be synthesized to address these questions more comprehensively.

Evaluating Projects in a Dynamic Economy: Some New Envelope Results

This paper is concerned with the modern theory of social cost-benefit analysis in a dynamic economy. The theory emphasizes the role of a comprehensive, forward-looking, dynamic welfare index within the period of the project rather than that of a project's long-term consequences. However, what constitutes such a welfare index remains controversial in the recent literature. In this paper, we attempt to shed light on the issue by deriving three equivalent cost-benefit rules for evaluating a small project. In particular, we show that the direct change in net national product (NNP) qualifies as a convenient welfare index without involving any other induced side effects. The project evaluation criterion thus becomes the present discounted value of the direct changes in NNP over the project period. We also illustrate the application of this theory in a few stylized examples.

Escândalos políticos e o clima econômico dos países sul-americanos: evidências baseadas na confiança de especialistas

Qual o impacto dos escândalos políticos sobre o clima econômico dos países sul-americanos? O presente trabalho busca responder essa pergunta ao avaliar a confiança de especialistas na economia de sete países sul-americanos durante a ocorrência de escândalos políticos em um recorte temporal de 10 anos (de 2005 até 2014). Entendemos os escândalos políticos como sendo eventos noticiados pela mídia envolvendo os presidentes das repúblicas sul-americanas em episódios de corrupção ou abuso de poder. Já o clima econômico é medido a partir da avaliação da economia por especialistas regularmente consultados pela Sondagem Econômica da América Latina, uma pesquisa que gera a construção do Índice de Clima Econômico da América Latina. Evidências apontam a influência de determinantes políticos sobre a avaliação econômica realizada pelo público geral. Poucos estudos exploram o processo de formação da confiança econômica de especialistas. Utilizamos o modelo de regressão em painel para verificar a correlação entre escândalos políticos e o Índice de Clima Econômico. Nenhuma correlação pôde ser verificada quando adotamos um modelo relacionado à economia internacional. Surpreendentemente, encontramos uma correlação significante e positiva quando adicionamos variáveis econômicas domésticas à análise. Acreditamos que futuras contribuições para o tema devam levar em conta a importância do papel das instituições como elemento fundamental na confiança de especialistas.

Centroamérica: los retos del acuerdo de asociación con la Unión Europea

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