661 resultados para Struggles
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This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom
Resumo:
This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom
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At this investigation it was analyzed the content and the organization of the social representation on the object teachers education, built by teachers of degree courses from Universidade Federal do Piauí(Ufpi), understanding such representation articulated to the teaching habitus of these educators of teachers, what takes under consideration the position that they hold in the structure of the national field and in the subfield of teachers education. For that, it is searched: a) to emphasize the properties of the place in which the trainers act Ufpi as the office of those field and subfield; b) to understand who are the trainers, that is, to grasp the teaching habitus of the trainers with a view of its origin, social trajectory and the specifics of their position in the analyzed field and the subfield and c) to know what they think about their work object, that is, identify and articulate the content and the organization of the social representation analyzed with their properties of field and subfield agents. The research includes the specific degree courses of the Campus Ministro Petrônio Portella , from Teresina(PI), and it was applied to 134 professors of degree courses from this Campus. The data collect joined to the participants happened on the second period of 2008 and on the first semester of 2009. The starting point of the study is the corroboration that the reform of Ufpi degree courses, determined by the legislation and stablished at this Institution in 2005, altered a little the previous situation. It is comprehended that Ufpi and its structures of teachers education as a trainer institution, is limited by the national academic field and by the subfield of teachers education. From this last one, it was listed some of its properties, to show that it is about an academic subfield in construction process. It is emphasized division of the subfield, that separates the trainers into two subgroups the ones who dedicate themselves to the specific education on the contents and those ones who are specialized on pedagogical education placed in antagonistic position and competing by the symbolic power of imposing the meaning and the sense of the teachers education in the degree courses. To understand the comprehension of the problem, it is searched for the models that are in the root of the construction of the University and its project of teachers education in the degree courses, to clarify the matrixes in which the social representation searched is stablished. The theoretical referential articulates the contributions of Moscovici, the theory of social representations, and of Bourdieu, with the concepts that compose its praxeology, as habitus, social field, capital, symbolic power and others, as well as their interpreters and continuators, as Domingos Sobrinho. From the literature about the university and teachers education, it was used Dermeval Saviani, Luiz Antônio Cunha, Maria Isabel da Cunha and Mirian Jorge Warde, besides others. Plurimethodological procedures were adopted, combining associative techniques adjusted to the access to the social representations, and a classic technique, a questionnaire about teaching habitus. The condition is that the teachers build different social representation of the object teachers education because of the distinct positions that they occupy in the structure of the academic field and the subfield of the teachers education. The reached positions in the field and subfield are due to the differences in the origin and social trajectory of these agents, who, therefore, have different teaching habitus from which they build their social representation about their work object. It is highlighted that the teaching habitus and the social representation of two subfields, identified by the belongings to different dimensions of the teachers education in the degree courses, they have similarities and, also, differences. These ones permit to support that the subjects are holders of distinct teaching habitus that conceive different practices, struggles, tensions and conflicts around the sense of teachers education
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This dissertation deals about the theme of National Integration Program of the Professional Education to the Basic Education in the form of Youth and Adults Education - PROEJA, which was developed at the Federal Institute of Education Science and Technology of Rio Grande do Norte - IFRN - Campus Caicó. It aims to analyze the causes of the abandonment and the reasons for the permanence of students within the mentioned program. To substantiate this research, we used methodologically, some procedures such as bibliographical research, documentary analysis, semi-structured interviews and focus group. To analyze the data, we discussed the contradiction that involves duality and educational compensation based in the struggles and achievements of rights at the core of public policies for high schools, for vocational education and the education of youth and adults in the 2000s. We analyze the integrated high school under PROEJA, having as reference the conception of the total human formation; the inseparability of the primary education system and vocational education and the integration of knowledge and expertise as a whole, discussing the specificities of the modality EJA, discussing the causes of abandonment and the reasons for the permanence of the students of education for youth and adults (EJA) in the primary education system. As for the results, we found that although the PROEJA be a program that aims to provide a complete human formation to contribute to the full citizenship of their graduate members, what is announced in the document that guides its creation has not been materialized in Caicó Campus. The curriculum of the course was not designed for the students of EJA, nor teachers have had an adequate training to work with these specific individuals, and its specificities of being workers with differentiated learning times have not been considered. In addition, the courses are predominantly of instrumentalist characteristics. This indicates that the material and institutional conditions to achieve the promised total and complete training have not being fully materialized at the researched school. Associated with the difficulties concerning the intra-school and extra-school conditions, personal and socioeconomic conditions which are related to the obligation to work that implies in limitations to balance work, school and family, they influenced in the interruption of the school trajectory of these subjects. Through research, we confirmed that the motives of students who remain have to do also with intraescolares conditions the quality of education (qualification of technical staff and teachers) involved in the educational process, as well as socioeconomic and personal issues represented by the support of colleagues and family.Then it is concluded that the causes of abandonment and the reasons of the permanence are of institutional, socioeconomic and personal origins. Finally, it is observed that capitalist society demands as much as possible high levels of educated workers, and at the same time makes difficult the access to that education for much of the population, and it is not randomly. The objects of that exclusion are the popular worker classes and their children
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In the context of late modernity, the socio-cultural transformations established new social practices which corroborate discursive changes in dialectic movements, contributing to the order of the educational discourses to be more and more affected by typical market discourses and values which are covered by ideologies, hegemonic struggles and power relations. In this sense, this research study, which is based on the theoretical tenets of the Critical Discourse Analysis in its interdisciplinary branch (FAIRCLOUGH, 2006; ORMUNDO, 2010; PEDROSA, 2010; RAMALHO E RESENDE, 2011), aims at discussing how the sociocultural changes in the context of private education interact with the market proposal of neoliberal and economical policies. The research was methodologically based on the qualitative approach (CHIZZOTTI, 1991; BOGDAN e BIKLEN, 1994; MINAYO, 1994), especially on the principles of contemporary Applied Linguistics (SIGNORINI, 1998; MOITA-LOPES, 2006; MENEZES, SILVA, GOMES, 2009). Data were gathered from advertisements used in campaigns by private educational institutions and agencies in Natal/RN; the advertisements were collected in primary and secondary levels and in language courses from October to December, 2010. The data analysis indicate that education, in the context of globalization and late modernity, has become a market agency and that the new face of the educational discourse of private institutions is interwoven with a social representation of education as a site of struggle and hegemonic dispute. Therefore, the research leads us to infer that, as the educational public policies based on hegemonic economy and on ideological assumptions of international agents (Global Bank, FMI, etc.) have become widespread, education has become an arena of dispute and a powerful economic product to the market of cultural and commercial industry, thus emphasizing a society in which everything is economically based
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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles
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The work of the professional of social worker in social security policy, it is seen wrapped in an adverse situation to consolidate the ethical-political project work, marked by the materialization of the neoliberal policy essentially promotes the reduction of social rights historically achieved by the class struggle worker. In this sense, with the aim of analyzing the statement of work of the Social Worker in Social Security, their struggles and challenges to the realization of rights, against the current situation is that it renders the theoretical basis of the discussions to be fought. Thus, we performed procedures such as methodological research literature and documents in detail of our analytical categories in order to base the discussion on social security policy. The survey area covered was the Executive Management of Social Security Mossoró and Natal, representing a total of 07 (seven) surveyed social workers who work in the Department of Social Work. Thus, the research allowed us a comparison with the work of Social Workers and this allowed us to reach some conclusions: first, the fact that Social Security does not guarantee in its entirety, the conditions necessary for the work of Social Worker, taking into account the lack of human and material resources for its realization, and the virtual absence of professional secrecy, and second, that the social workers surveyed say the ethical-political project of Social Work, in exercise professional from engaging in projects and social movements related to the protection of social rights and working class, thirdly, that the statement of professional design, contributes to the formation of a new professional activities, based on an analysis of whole and an action more interventionist, critical and purposeful, able to relate to the interests of users who seek their services, the consolidation and socialization of social rights. Thus, the direction of the work of professional of social worker to support the theoretical and methodological maturity in recent years acquired the expertise and ethical-political daily, consolidated its space in claiming social security institution, the rights so hard fought in an environment grounded in the disintegration social struggles
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In the sociability of the capital, the challenges to the consolidation of social security as a public policy become expressive, which has implications for social security services, particularly for Social Works who works for the security and fulfillment of social rights. Therefore, in this context of denial of these rights becomes relevant the work of social worker, as a professional committed to the ethical-political project and the Matrix Theory and Methodology of Social work, which potentiate the action able to establish professional articulated strategies for the strengthening of collective struggles for equality in society. Thus, this study examines the instrumentality of social work in the contemporary world and its contribution to the realization of rights. For this, we conducted a literature review, using authors dealing with the issue, as Behring (2008), Boschetti (2003), Mota (1995), Guerra (2007) among others, as well as documentary research through laws, decrees, instructions Normative, Internal Guidelines, and especially the analysis of the Matrix itself of Social Work in welfare. We use also of paramount importance to our analysis - the field research, using techniques such as semi-structured interview and questionnaire. The research enables the identification of important aspects of the subject studied, as the understanding of professionals about the instrumentality of Social Works in its ethical-political aspects, both theoretical and methodological and technicaloperative. The demands made by the managers for the profession on the sociooccupational have extrapolated the powers and duties of the Law Regulating the Profession and the Matrix of Social Work in welfare. The subjects of this study emphasize the role of social category of the National Institute of Social Security and the Federal Council of Social Service in defense of Social Works. The knowledge of social and institutional framework is critical to building control strategies that strengthen social security and public policy, the guarantor of social rights for workers in Brazil
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This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work
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This research analyzes the Rio Grande do Norte care services to women who face violence in the context of contemporary capitalism. To do so, we situate the patriarchy in the set of current social relations and its relationship with the corporate determinations in everyday life. The new functions of the Patriarchy in the capital sociability permeates the lives of individuals and particularizes the relationships of violence which affects women, requiring, in the immediate level, policy-making to face them. The research found an arsenal of contradictory possibilities and limitations in dealing with violence. In this process, forms of struggle and resistance predominate, which appear as possibilities and limits were identified relate to the socio-historical context of regression of the rights, historical moment in which increase the objective difficulties in everyday life to ensure the legal achievements. It is worth to emphasize the achievements and contradictions that characterize the struggle process for rights, linking services to women to the social policies and to the limits they face in opposition to the aims of the State to meet the mandatory requirements of capital, reducing its role as the main guarantor of policies and rights. In this sense, the trajectory of the achievements that have referred to the proclamation of a specific law to deal with combat violence against women, the Maria da Penha Law - 11.340/06, which provides an integrated set of measures that, if implemented, would allow the women protection from relations of violence they experience. We identified in Rio Grande do Norte precarious services that are essential to achieve the Maria da Penha Law. This situation requires a feminist organization to claim the rights that enable women to see themselves as people with rights in the process of collective struggle. This is the historical need for continuity of struggles that accumulate policies for the existence of a new model of social relations of gender. One of the possibilities that are presented in the current context is the impact on the public budget in order to ensure compliance with the budget for public policies for women - woman budget. In this perspective, feminist segments in national and state level have been organized to understand the functioning and monitoring of social policies. This is a condition and prerequisite for ensuring policies to ensure basic rights and the violence combat , which still requires an integrated set of services. The survey results allow us to consider that the struggle for rights is necessary at this historical moment, however it is not sufficient in human emancipation, which requires new forms of social relations that determine substantive equality between men and women. Thus, the feminist movement faces the challenge to organize and strengthen itself in daily life, in order to execute a project that changes the meaning of women's rights, articulated to a corporate project which wants other command in the set of social relations . This study emphasizes the need for a more and more organic connection between feminism and social struggles, to ensure the inclusion of women in anti-capitalist struggle
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The problematic that gives shape to this research is the question of the historical process of demobilization of the movement of the working classes in your accented contemporary moment. Their object of study, however, and that it particularizes, it relates to a portion this problematic; it relates to set of determinations that comprise a broader set of determinations of this historical process: it is a set of determinations forged and mediated by bourgeois strategies of management for the conformation of the circumstances necessary for the domination and for the conduct of labor force on operations in work processes for the production of surplus value. What we investigated are, because, the strategies of disarticulation that the bourgeoisie utilizes, under the mantle of subsidies conceptual and interventive of its management of work processes and the sieve of class struggles, to obstruct the union of workers; hamper the movements proletarians. Managerial strategies that intentionally or unintentionally, instill in the social relations of production means to produce and reproduce, activate and reactivate conditions of incitement of individualism and competition between the workers themselves. We shall see, thus, by analyzing means, centrally, from some of the fundamentals of disarticulation in the managerial strategies bourgeois and some of the fundamental strategies of management bourgeois hegemonized with the restructuring productive of 1970, that the disarticulation, and also the demobilization, is a concrete condition, is an objective condition, that is beyond a question that can be "solved" only by enlightenment cognitive, only by formation criticism intellectual. In everyday of the work spaces permeated by managerial strategies bourgeois there elements, then, operating as a material force putting difficulties important for the articulation of the workers, the solidarity of the proletariat; elements that constitute obstacle significant to an awareness of class and belonging; elements act in favor of the atomization of the worker - even if engenders, in the same process, as a contradiction, potentiality of resistance and fight the forces of labor
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O presente estudo é parte de um trabalho mais amplo, o qual estuda o processo de formação e conscientização do operariado da cidade vêneta de Schio e da greve traumática que levou centenas de seus participantes a imigrar para a região de Caxias (RS), onde guardaram a lembrança de suas lutas e aplicaram sua experiência profissional.
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Comparison of the histories of three leading peasant organizations in the Pontal do Paranapanema region of Brazil-the Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) from 1945 to 1964, the Confederacao Nacional de Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) from 1964 to 1984, and the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST) from 1984 to 2004-suggests that continuity is as important as change in understanding Brazilian peasant movements. The MST has been considered a "new social movement" in that it has eschewed partisan politics, incorporated families as members rather than just male heads of household, had a national scope and a participatory decision-making structure, and been attuned to the international struggle over globalization. Placing it in historical perspective makes it clear, however, that this is not the first time that militants have organized around the concept of peasants as a political identity; that while the representation of peasants in the leadership of contemporary rural labor organizations may be greater than in the past, earlier peasant leaders also struggled on behalf of their class; that earlier peasant organizations had, if not a national presence, a substantial presence in the agricultural states of the time; and that attempts at international organization to unite peasant struggles around the globe are not entirely new. This is not to deny the innovative features of contemporary movements but to suggest that the investigation of past achievements will contribute to a fuller appreciation of these movements' conditions and prospects.
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Includes bibliography
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Pós-graduação em Artes - IA