Os muitos nomes de Silvana: contribuições clínico-políticas da psicanálise sobre mulheres negras

Esta pesquisa aponta alguns dos efeitos subjetivos e estratégias singulares de resistência frente à desigualdade racial no nosso país, abordando as vicissitudes de inscrição no laço social de mulheres negras e pobres. É fruto de uma intervenção clínico-política com um grupo de adolescentes em uma Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental de São Paulo na qual foi se evidenciando, para nós, a necessidade de cada um desses adolescentes de defender intransigentemente a honra e o valor de suas mães frente aos outros membros do grupo. Tanto pelo seu excesso como pela sua repetição, essa situação nos sugeria um mal-estar e um não dito referido às configurações familiares e à posição destas mulheres nesta comunidade escolar, que nos levou a escutá-las. Tomando a indicação freudiana de que a psicologia individual seria também psicologia social e a formulação lacaniana de que podemos considerar o Inconsciente como sendo a Política, acreditamos ser indispensável escutar o sujeito levando em consideração o Outro, entendido tanto do ponto de vista sócio-histórico, como libidinal. Isso significa que não poderíamos escutar estas mulheres sem considerar o campo de desigualdades sociais e raciais no qual estavam inscritas discursivamente, o que nos exigiu uma interlocução fundamental tanto com pesquisas da antropologia social e da sociologia, como da história. A fala destas mulheres foi nos revelando que, além de outras identificações contingentes, o fato de serem reconhecidas e se reconhecerem como mulheres negras era um elemento fundamental nas suas vivências cotidianas. Uma vez que nosso passado escravista não teria sido suficientemente lembrado e admitido, alguns traços se fariam presentes através de uma transmissão simbólica, pelos subterrâneos da cultura, de uma posição de servidão a elas atribuída. Permaneceria de uma forma atualizada e insidiosa uma divisão racializada da nossa sociedade, ancorada na herança de uma cisão entre a mulher mundana cujo corpo seria visto como um corpo de gozo, mas sem valor social, a mucama, e a que seria valorizada socialmente à custa de um corpo assexuado, casta e educada, esposa do senhor de escravos. Apesar de tantos avanços, as conquistas femininas das últimas décadas não seriam totalmente estendidas a essas mulheres, negras e pobres, que seguiriam, frequentemente, apresentando no imaginário social um corpo ao qual se atribuiria a capacidade de satisfazer os desejos mais inconfessáveis de um homem à custa de ser visto como propriedade e domínio deste. A atitude racista se faria presente em relação a elas, entendida como o ato de segregação do gozo inadmitido de um sujeito no corpo de um outro, ou ainda, como Lacan apontou, impondo a um outro, seu modo de gozo. Mais do que uma identidade das mulheres negras, consideramos fundamental conceber a particularidade de um laço que se estabeleceria na relação com elas, na medida em que seu corpo seria capaz de despertar e revelar a relação do sujeito com o mais íntimo e insuportável de si mesmo: ela seria a estrangeira frente a um homem, por ser mulher; e seria estrangeira frente a uma mulher ou homem branco, por ser negra. A sua condição de estrangeira a deixaria assim como figura paradigmática de um Outro sexo, um sexo Outro, um gozo Outro, recaindo sobre ela as reações mais violentas de extirpação desse gozo. As estratégias de como manter o que seria próprio do gozo feminino não balizado pelo gozo fálico, posto que seria suplementar a ele frente a essa injunção de segregação e depreciação, seriam sempre singulares. Apresentamos um caso clínico, Silvana, apontando suas estratégias de resistência frente a um discurso social que a desqualificaria tentando lhe impor um estreitamento de sua vida erótica e sua redução a um modo único de gozo

Mapeamento global de interações proteicas nas vias de sinalização mediadas por c-di-GMP de Pseudomonas aeruginosa

A persistência bacteriana correlacionada à formação de biofilmes bacterianos é, há algum tempo, fonte de grande preocupação médica em virtude de sua ampla associação com a dificuldade de tratamento de infecções crônicas. Por outro lado, as perspectivas de utilização de biofilmes bacterianos em novas aplicações biotecnológicas e até mesmo para fins terapêuticos são promissoras. Há, portanto, grande interesse em compreender os mecanismos que levam as células bacterianas a deixar o estado planctônico, de vida livre, e associarem-se nesses conglomerados celulares altamente complexos. Ao longo das últimas décadas, o segundo mensageiro c-di-GMP – em conjunto com as moléculas que catalisam sua síntese (diguanilato ciclases) e sua degradação (fosfodiesterases) e seus receptores – estabeleceu-se como um elemento central de regulação de uma série de respostas celulares que determinam a formação ou a dispersão de biofilmes. Curiosamente, as proteínas que participam do metabolismo deste segundo mensageiro estão, frequentemente, codificadas múltiplas vezes em um mesmo genoma bacteriano. Em vista dessa observação, estudos mais recentes apontam que, para reger paralelamente uma variedade tão ampla de fenótipos, este sistema opera em modo de alta especificidade de sinalização e que, portanto, o sinal metabolizado por determinados conjuntos de diguanilato ciclases e fosfodiesterases tem alvos celulares específicos. Evidências robustas, porém isoladas até o momento, apontaram que um dos meios pelo qual ocorre a segregação entre sinal produzido e alvo específico é a interação direta entre as proteínas componentes das vias de sinalização. Mais, demonstrou-se que, em algumas vias, a transmissão de sinal ocorre exclusivamente via interação proteica, dispensando a intermediação do sinalizador em si. Para avaliar a validade e relevância global deste mecanismo, propôs-se, neste estudo, a investigação da rede total de interações entre as proteínas tipicamente associadas às vias de sinalização por c-di-GMP em Pseudomonas aeruginosa, utilizando ensaios de duplo-hibrido bacteriano. Para tanto, foram construídas duas bibliotecas de DNA direcionadas e foram feitos testes de interação de forma estratégica para possibilitar o esgotamento e averiguação de todas as possíveis interações entre as proteínas alvo identificadas. O resultado obtido, um mapa inicial, porém abrangente, da rede de interações proteicas em P. aeruginosa, indica uma grande probabilidade de que os mecanismos previamente descritos sejam realmente recorrentes e relevantes para o intermédio da sinalização nesse organismo. Algumas das interações mais robustas encontradas são bastante interessantes e serão, em estudos futuros, mais extensivamente estudadas.

Migración contemporánea mexicana: redes sociales transnacionales y políticas migratorias : la experiencia migratoria de la comunidad de Tunkás, Yucatán en el sur de California

This research explores the impacts of the most recent U.S. economic crisis on the Mexican immigrant labour market, specifically from the town of Tunkás, Yucatan. Based on Bourdieu.’s theory of Capital production, and the transnational theoretical perspective, this study aims to build a conceptual frame for the migrant’s social capital in modern societies. A key element of this analysis is that a pioneer migrant-woman has initiated the tunkaseño social network in Los Angeles and Orange County, California; and has set the route to migrate to North. Finally this analysis presents how U.S. worksite enforcement policy affects the labour market that tunkaseños encounter in Southern California in the midst of a financial crisis. Tunkás, our Mayan community, native from the Southern Mexican state of Yucatan has experienced a constant migration process to California ever since the Bracero Program started. Mayan migrants have acquired new responsibilities, and a hybrid identity as transnational citizens. Yucatecan migration is defined as a contemporary Mexican migration, mostly undocumented, exacerbated during the nineties, in the midst of the Mexican financial crisis from 1994 to 1997. The present work is part of a broader research that discusses the transformation of Mexican migration patterns of different states of Mexico. This project is based on fieldwork in the communities of origin and destination. As well, on the survey results and life stories obtained during 2005-2006, and 2008-2009 by MMFRP1, where I took part in both editions as a researcher...

The Timber Wolf Preservation Society: Developing a Management Plan for Long Term Sustainability & Prosperity

The timber wolf has been eradicated from most of its North American range, but in recent decades has been recovering. The Timber Wolf Preservation Society (TWPS) was founded to assist in the reestablishment of wolf populations in Wisconsin. The public education mission of the TWPS is a key element in increasing human tolerance of wolves. This capstone summarizes principles of wolf ecology and the care of captive mammals. Challenges faced by the TWPS, including more effective board management practices and the need for a strategic plan, are also identified. Suggestions and recommendations for improving the TWPS administration, board governance and organizational growth are presented to allow the TWPS to become sustainable and continue to contribute to wolf recovery efforts in Wisconsin.

TEXT-MESS: Intelligent, Interactive and Multilingual Text Mining based on Human Language Technologies, TIN2006-15265-C06

The goal of the project is to analyze, experiment, and develop intelligent, interactive and multilingual Text Mining technologies, as a key element of the next generation of search engines, systems with the capacity to find "the need behind the query". This new generation will provide specialized services and interfaces according to the search domain and type of information needed. Moreover, it will integrate textual search (websites) and multimedia search (images, audio, video), it will be able to find and organize information, rather than generating ranked lists of websites.

Augmented Reality for preschoolers: an experience around Natural Sciences educational contents

Early education is a key element for the future success of students in the education system. This work analyzes the feasibility of using augmented reality contents with preschool students (four and five years old) as a tool for improving their learning process. A quasi experimental design based on a nonequivalent groups posttest-only design was used. A didactic unit has been developed around the topic “animals” by the participant teachers. The control group followed all the didactic activities defined in the developed didactic materials, while the experimental group was provided in addition with some augmented reality contents. Results show improved learning outcomes in the experimental group with respect to the control group.

Inconsistencies in Guidelines for Visual Health Surveillance of VDT Workers

Objectives: In Europe, 25% of workers use video display terminals (VDTs). Occupational health surveillance has been considered a key element in the protection of these workers. Nevertheless, it is unclear if guidelines available for this purpose, based on EU standards and available evidence, meet currently accepted quality criteria. The aim of this study was to appraise three sets of European VDT guidelines (UK, France, Spain) in which regulatory and evidence-based approaches for visual health have been formulated and recommendations for practice made. Methods: Three independent appraisers used an adapted AGREE instrument with seven domains to appraise the guidelines. A modified nominal group technique approach was used in two consecutive phases: first, individual evaluation of the three guidelines simultaneously, and second, a face-to-face meeting of appraisers to discuss scoring. Analysis of ratings obtained in each domain and variability among appraisers was undertaken (correlation and kappa coefficients). Results: All guidelines had low domain scores. The domain evaluated most highly was Scope and purpose, while Applicability was scored minimally. The UK guidelines had the highest overall score, and the Spanish ones had the lowest. The analysis of reliability and differences between scores in each domain showed a high level of agreement. Conclusions: These results suggest current guidelines used in these countries need an update. The formulation of evidence-base European guidelines on VDT could help to reduce the significant variation of national guidelines, which may have an impact on practical application.

A Computational Architecture Based on RFID Sensors for Traceability in Smart Cities

Information Technology and Communications (ICT) is presented as the main element in order to achieve more efficient and sustainable city resource management, while making sure that the needs of the citizens to improve their quality of life are satisfied. A key element will be the creation of new systems that allow the acquisition of context information, automatically and transparently, in order to provide it to decision support systems. In this paper, we present a novel distributed system for obtaining, representing and providing the flow and movement of people in densely populated geographical areas. In order to accomplish these tasks, we propose the design of a smart sensor network based on RFID communication technologies, reliability patterns and integration techniques. Contrary to other proposals, this system represents a comprehensive solution that permits the acquisition of user information in a transparent and reliable way in a non-controlled and heterogeneous environment. This knowledge will be useful in moving towards the design of smart cities in which decision support on transport strategies, business evaluation or initiatives in the tourism sector will be supported by real relevant information. As a final result, a case study will be presented which will allow the validation of the proposal.

La importancia del higienismo y la potabilización del agua en la ciudad de Valencia (1860-1910)

El siglo XIX se caracteriza por numerosos cambios tanto a nivel social como estructural de la población: se produce un acelerado desarrollo urbano sin planificación y carente de servicios que da lugar a una mala calidad de vida y numerosas epidemias. Estos cambios tienen como resultado un nuevo movimiento, el Higienismo, que pretende mejorar las condiciones de vida de la población. En España, todas las reformas higiénicas se desarrollaron mediante los planes de Ensanche. Uno de los puntos clave de este pensamiento es el abastecimiento de agua potable como medio para evitar enfermedades. La ciudad de Valencia es un claro ejemplo de la importancia de este movimiento y cómo el abastecimiento de agua es un elemento clave en la mejora de la calidad de vida de las personas.

Economic Partnership Agreements in the EU's post-Lome trade regime: negotiations with West Africa. ZEI Discussion Paper C214, 2012

Trade is a key element of the development policy of the European Union (EU). As the most important trading partner of developing countries, the EU attempts to facilitate the participation of developing countries in global trade and contribute to economic growth through providing market access and financial assistance. For twenty-five years, the commitment of the EU was largely focused on its former colonies, more specifically in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The developing world, in terms of the EU’s trade policy, was therefore divided between ACP states with special provisions under the Lomé Conventions and all other developing countries. With the new millennium, this special relationship came to an end. Pressure from several member states1 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) led to an overhaul of the EU’s trade regime vis-à-vis developing countries and to the loss of the privileged position of ACP countries. The result of this overhaul is still pending. Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – to be negotiated between the EU and several ACP regions – have only been realized in the Caribbean. This article will to examine the negotiations between the EU and West Africa and discuss the interests involved on the African side. Following the introduction, the second part of this article is dedicated to the Lomé Conventions with a focus on the change occurring from the third to the fourth revision in order to understand the current situation. The third part is going to take a look at the Cotonou agreement and the trade regime of the EU in general before turning to the negotiations for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and West Africa. The conclusion summarizes the main findings.

Direitos sociais na Constituição: uma análise da constitucionalização dos direitos sociais em Portugal, 1975-76

Embora todas as constituições incluam direitos, e muitas delas incluam direitos sociais, a verdade é que algumas são mais generosas do que outras a este respeito. Mas nenhuma se aproxima da Constituição da República Portuguesa de 1976 no que toca à extensão e detalhe do seu catálogo de direitos sociais, económicos e culturais. As principais teorias sobre as origens de instituições geraram hipóteses explicativas da constitucionalização desta segunda geração de direitos. Sucede, porém, que estas hipóteses não conseguem explicar de forma totalmente convincente o processo de constitucionalização dos direitos sociais. Isto é ainda mais verdade em casos como o do nosso país, cujo carácter discrepante os tornam ainda mais difíceis de explicar. Neste artigo, estas teorias e respectivas hipóteses serão testadas por relação ao caso português o qual será, sempre que se revelar necessário, comparado com o espanhol. Visamos alcançar dois objectivos com este exercício. Por um lado, pretendemos identificar as limitações das explicações dominantes, incluindo as teorias e hipóteses sobre os mecanismos causais responsáveis pela inclusão de direitos sociais nas constituições. Por outro lado, o nosso propósito é o de conceber explicações alternativas sempre que as existentes se revelem inadequadas ou insuficientes.

Ukraine: sovereign decentralisation or federalism without sovereignty? OSW Commentary No. 133, 18.04.2014

A key element of Russia’s policy towards the new government of Ukraine concerns demands for a constitutional reform that would transform the country from a unitary into a federal state in a way that would considerably privilege the eastern and southern regions. Such a change to Ukraine’s administrative system would enable Moscow to put pressure on Ukraine’s central government via the regions. In order to achieve its objectives, Russia has been pressuring Kyiv to establish a constitutional assembly in a form that would guarantee the endorsement of solutions dictated by Russia. In other words, Russia has been demanding, in what is practically an ultimatum, that Ukraine give up one of the fundamental sovereign rights of a state, the right to freely determine its system of government. Transforming Ukraine into a federal state is an unacceptable idea, primarily because the intention behind Russia’s demands is to undermine Ukraine’s sovereignty, both through the content of the proposed changes and the way in which they are to be implemented. However, keeping in place the current, centralist model of state governance is not a feasible alternative. Ukraine will have to grant its regions broad self-governance powers, including the power to hold local referendums, and to transfer a considerable portion of the prerogatives currently held by the state to the local self-governments, along with adequate financial resources. That is because decentralisation along these lines is the only way forward towards a modern democracy in Ukraine. Russia’s policy has forced Kyiv to undertake legislative work on constitutional reform as a matter of urgency, rather than waiting until a new parliament is elected in which the new, post-Maidan balance of political power will be reflected, as political logic would require. The first draft of the constitutional amendments (of which no details are known at this stage) is to be presented in mid-May, and is expected to come into force in early autumn. However, whether these plans can be put into practice depends on further developments in the eastern part of Ukraine, because (among other reasons) if a state of emergency is introduced, the constitutional amendment process will have to be suspended.

Russian sanctions against Moldova. Minor effects, major potential. OSW COMMENTARY No. 152, 2014-11-06

Russia has been Moldova’s main trade partner and Russian capital has accounted for a large part of its foreign investments, dominating in the energy and the banking sectors. Moreover, Russia has been a key job market for Moldovan expatriate workers. In the economic sphere, this is making Moldova unilaterally dependent on Russia. Moscow has been attempting to exploit this situation to put pressure on the authorities in Chișinău for quite some time. In recent months Russia has increasingly used instruments for exerting economic pressure on Moldova, as a means of responding to the current authorities’ pro-Western policy. A key element of this policy was Moldova’s signing on 27 June 2014 of the Association Agreement with the EU (which came into force on 1 September 2014). Over the last year, Russia has implemented a number of import restrictions on Moldovan goods. The aim of the Russian actions is to fuel social disappointment, and ultimately – to prevent the pro-European coalition currently in power from winning the parliamentary elections scheduled for 30 November 2014. Another aim might be to convince the Moldovan authorities to suspend the implementation of the Association Agreement – a plan openly put forward by Vladimir Putin during the CIS summit in Minsk on 10 October 2014. So far, however, the Russian economic sanctions have failed to produce the expected results. Support for the pro-European parties has been high, and there is little chance that the pro-Russian groups might achieve a parliamentary majority. It is not inconceivable, then, that in the upcoming months Moscow might decide to resort to other, more potent instruments of economic pressure such as speculation on the financial market, carried out as part of its de facto control over the banking sector. Another possibility is further tightening of trade restrictions, issuing expatriate workers from Russia or using Moldova’s dependence on Russian energy.

The eastern ‘partnership’ of gas. Gazprom and CNPC strike a deal on gas supplies to China. OSW COMMENTARY No. 139, 2014-06-16

The CEOs of Gazprom and China’s CNPC signed a contract concerning Russian gas supplies to China on 21 May 2014 in Shanghai. The contract had been under negotiation for many years and was signed in the presence of the two countries’ presidents. Under this 30-year deal, ultimately 38 billion m3 of natural gas will be exported annually from eastern Siberian fields (Chayandinskoye and Kovyktinskoye) via the Power of Siberia pipeline planned for construction in 2015–2019. The lengthy negotiation process (initial talks regarding this issue began back in the 1990s), the circumstances surrounding the signing of the contract (it was signed only on the second day of Vladimir Putin’s visit to Shanghai, and the Russian president’s personal engagement in the final phase of the talks turned out to be a key element) and information concerning the provisions of the contract (the clause determining the contract price has not been revealed) all indicate that the terms of the compromise are more favourable for China than for Russia. This contract is at present important to Russia mainly for political reasons (it will use the future diversification of gas export routes as an instrument in negotiations with the EU). However, the impact of this instrument seems to be limited since supplies cannot be redirected from Europe to Asia. It is unclear whether the contract will bring the anticipated long-term economic benefits to Gazprom. The gas price is likely to remain at a level of between US$350 and US$390 per 1000 m3. Given the high costs of gas field operation and production and transport infrastructure development, this may mean that supplies will be carried out at the margin of profitability. The Shanghai contract does not conclude the negotiation process since a legally binding agreement on gas pipeline construction has not been signed and not all of the financial aspects of the project have been agreed upon as yet (such as the issue of possible Chinese prepayments for gas supplies).

The bear watches the dragon. The Russian debate on China. OSW Point of View Number 31, February 2013

Most participants in the Russian public debate seem to agree in their evaluation of the present condition of Russian-Chinese relations. There is awareness of increasing inequality between these two powers and Russia’s weakening position as compared to China.Those who share the optimistic view see co-operation with China as an opportunity for the Russian economy and a key element of Russia’s multi-directional foreign policy, an opportunity for Russia to avoid unilateral dependence on the West. The pessimists view the deepening co-operation with China through the prism of threats resulting from the increasing imbalance in bilateral relations. The greatest source of concern is the model of economic relations, which is often referred to as neo-colonial, where Russia’s role is reduced to that of a supplier of raw materials to China. The possible consequences are evaluated in different ways, ranging from the political subordination of Russian interests the Chinese ones to real loss of control over the Russian Far East. Those who share such views believe that Moscow should slow down its rapprochement with China and search for other partners in Eastern Asia, relations with whom could counterbalance the Chinese influence.