506 resultados para Fertilité masculine


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Il presente lavoro di tesi ha avuto come obiettivo la valutazione della qualità dei suoli in oliveti siciliani in relazione a differenti metodi di gestione agronomica. In particolare, quello che si è inteso valutare sono stati gli effetti di sistemi di produzione agricola quali l’agricoltura convenzionale e l’agricoltura biologica sulle caratteristiche chimiche, fisiche e biologiche dei suoli. La qualità dei suoli è stata valutata integrando alle analisi chimico fisiche anche un metodo biologico basato sui microartropodi (QBS-ar). Il metodo è fondato sul concetto che maggiore è la qualità del suolo, maggiore è il numero di gruppi sistematici di microartropodi che presentano adattamenti alla vita ipogea. I nostri risultati evidenziano come l’agricoltura biologica possa diventare impattante tanto quanto l’agricoltura convenzionale, dal punto di vista della conservazione della fertilità dei suoli e della biodiversità, nel momento in cui viene a mancare una gestione che tenga conto delle caratteristiche intrinseche di un agroecosistema. Si è visto come un degrado della struttura fisica, che porti alla perdità di porosità, si possa ripercuotere negativamente sulla comunità dei microartropodi. Alcuni gruppi sistematici sembra possano essere più sensibili di altri a stress indotti dalla compattazione dei suoli, in particolare nel nostro studio questi gruppi sistematici risultano essere: Proturi, Ditteri (larve), Opilionidi, Diplopodi e Sinfili. Riguardo all’indicatore di qualità biologica del suolo QBS-ar, uno dei limiti che emerge nell’assegnazione della classe di qualità è rappresentato dal fatto che ogni valore dell’indice ottenuto non discrimina una classe in maniera univoca, ma i diversi Enti che utilizzano questo indicatore (ARPA, Università) hanno elaborato a livello interno i criteri per l’assegnazione della classe di qualità, rendendola un parametro non oggettivo per la valutazione della qualità dei suoli.

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L’anguilla europea, Anguilla anguilla, è una specie gravemente minacciata, sia da impatti diretti legati al sovrasfruttamento della specie a tutti gli stadi del ciclo vitale, che indiretti come l’urbanizzazione costiera e la perdita di habitat lagunari. Negli ultimi 45 anni è stata documentata una riduzione del tasso di reclutamento di anguilla europea del 90%. Lo scopo di questo studio è stato approfondire le modalità riproduttive di A. anguilla per via indiretta, attraverso un’analisi di paternità. Il Centro di ricerca universitario di Cesenatico (Laboratori di Acquacoltura ed Igiene delle Produzioni Ittiche – Università di Bologna) ha avviato le prime sperimentazioni su A. anguilla, al fine di mettere a punto un protocollo di riproduzione artificiale. Nell’estate 2015 i ricercatori hanno ottenuto sette riproduzioni spontanee in ambiente controllato, da queste sono state campionate casualmente e genotipizzate circa 40 larve per ogni mandata riproduttiva e i relativi riproduttori per condurre l’analisi di paternità. In ogni riproduzione è stata utilizzata sempre e soltanto una femmina e tre o quattro maschi; le analisi genetiche, condotte utilizzando 9 loci microsatelliti, si sono focalizzate sull’individuazione dei padri e l’assegnamento di paternità è avvenuto con un livello di confidenza medio dell’89%. Dalle analisi effettuate è emerso che: 1) i maschi di questa specie, precedentemente sottoposti a stimolazioni ormonali per indurne la riproduzione e la fertilità, sono in grado di partecipare con successo a più di una riproduzione; 2) più esemplari riescono a fecondare gli ovociti di una sola femmina e sembrano stabilirsi modelli gerarchici di dominanza in quanto si è osservato generalmente che un maschio prevale sugli altri, generando da solo più del 50% della prole. Questo studio pilota rappresenta, quindi, un punto di partenza per approfondimenti futuri sulle modalità riproduttive dell’anguilla europea.

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The American Geographical Society (AGS) serves as a case study for considering the nature of “gendered geography” in the nineteenth-century United States. This article links the ideals and programmatic interests of the society—which were fundamentally commercial in nature—with the personal subjectivity of its chief protagonist, Charles P. Daly, AGS president from 1864 until his death in 1899. Daly is presented as an “armchair explorer” who shifted the focus of the society away from statistical representations of the world toward the action packed narrative descriptions of the world supplied by embodied explorers in the field. The gender dynamics associated with the center versus the field provide a useful way to contrast both sides of Daly’s persona—as a scholar performing detached, careful study yet someone who also derived a great deal of personal authority by staging popular and dramatic spectacles in New York City, speechifying and presenting himself on stage at geographical society meetings with returning heroic explorers. Daly not only served as New York’ smost influential access point to the Arctic at the time, he also served as an important node in the reproduction of masculine culture in promotion of a particularly masculinist commercial geography. Key Words: American Geographical Society, Charles Patrick Daly, gender and geography, history of geography, masculinity.

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For the 18th and 19th centuries, flirtation was largely understood to be the symptom of a woman’s uncontrollable (and innate) sexual appetite. Any woman who questioned its cultural operations, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, was accused of being simultaneously sexually inappropriate in her interests, as well as prudish in her denial of feminine desire as a legitimate expression of a woman’s character. What this talk will argue, however, is that, for Wollstonecraft, the flirt is a fundamentally masculine figure who engages not in a struggle over desire, but rather in a struggle for power based on monarchical politics of the Ancien Regime.

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In traditional medicine of Cameroon, Nymphaea lotus Linn. (Nympheaceae) is used for treatment of male sexual disorders. The aim of this study was to evaluate the effects of the N. lotus flowers aqueous extracts on general mating behavior, fertility and some androgenic parameters of normoglycemic and diabetic adult male rats. Mating behavior assessment was carried out with primiparous and with oestrus female rats. Male rats were divided into 5 groups and subjected once in a day to the following treatment: distilled water (10 mL/kg), Sildenafil citrate (5mg/kg), Testosterone enanthate (5mg/kg) and plant extract (75 mg/kg and 150 mg/kg). Treatment lasted for 8 and 55 days before sacrifice. Organ weight, epididymal sperm counts, motility, viability, histomorphometric analysis, muscular strength, seminal fructose, cholesterol level, epididymal and serum proteins testicular were determined. Results showed a dose- dependant influence of the treatment in sperm count and motility which significantly increases compared to the distilled water-administered control. An increase in some sexual performance parameters (mount and intromission frequencies) was observed in both diabetic and normal rats compared to respective controls. The latencies of mount and intromission were significantly reduced. Computed frequencies of penile licking, index of libido and sexual motivation were higher in normal and diabetic extract-treated animals; which suggest an enhancement of motivational parameters. The treatment also caused significant increases in the weight of the testis, prostate, epididymis, in serum cholesterol and epididymal protein level in normal rats compared to the distilled water-administered control. These results indicate an androgenic pro-sexual potential of N. lotus in male rats and justify the empirical use of N. lotus in the management of erectile dysfunction and fertility disorders in males. Key-words: Nymphaea lotus, prosexual, androgenic, fertility, diabetic, male rat. //Selon les tradipraticiens de l’Ouest-Cameroun, Nymphaea lotus Linn. (N. lotus), de la famille des Nymphéacées, est utilisé pour le traitement des dysfonctionnements sexuels chez les hommes. Dans cette étude, l’effet de l’extrait aqueux des fleurs de N. lotus sur la fonction de reproduction des rats mâles adultes normaux et diabétiques a été évalué. Dans le but d’évaluer les effets de l’extrait aqueux des fleurs de N. lotus sur les paramètres généraux de copulation, d’androgénicité et de fertilité, les rats normoglycémiques et diabétiques ont été divisé en 3 groupes contrôle [Groupe I- recevant de l’eau distillée, Groupe II et III recevant respectivement du citrate de sildénafil (5 mg/kg) et l’énanthate de testostérone (5 mg/kg)] et deux groupes expérimentaux traités à l’extrait aux doses 75 mg/kg (Groupe IV) et 150 mg/kg (Groupe V). L’eau distillée, l’extrait et la substance de référence était administré per os une fois par jour. Pour analyser le comportement sexuel et la fertilité, des femelles primipares et en oestrus étaient utilisées. Le traitement a duré 8 et 55 jours avant le sacrifice. Le poids relatif des organes, le nombre de spermatozoïde, la motilité, les analyses morphométriques, la force musculaire, le taux de cholestérol, le taux de protéines sériques et épididymaires étaient déterminé. Le temps de latence de monte et d’intromission a diminué significativement alors que la fréquence d’éjaculation a augmenté. L’index de libido, la fréquence de monte, d’intromission, d’éjaculation, d’orientation des mâles vis-à-vis d’eux même et l’index de motivation sexuelle a augmenté chez les animaux traités l’extrait comparés à ceux ayant reçu de l’eau distillée aussi bien chez les normaux que chez le diabétiques qui n’enregistrent d’ailleurs aucune éjaculation. Le traitement a augmenté significativement (P < 0,01) le poids des testicules, de la prostate et de l’épididyme. Il est observé une augmentation dose-dépendante du nombre et de la motilité des spermatozoïdes (P < 0,05), ainsi qu’une augmentation significative (P < 0,001) temps-dépendant du taux de cholestérol sérique et de protéines épididymaires. Ces résultats indiquent un potentiel androgénique pro-érectile de N. lotus chez les rats mâles et justifient l’utilisation empirique des fleurs de N. lotus dans le traitement des dysfonctions érectiles et des problèmes de fertilité chez les hommes. Mots-clés: Nymphaea lotus, pro-érectile, androgénique, fertilité, diabétiques, rat male

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Abstract: This project considers Emily and Charlotte Brontë's constructions of masculinity in Jane Eyre, Wuthering Heights, and Villette. There is a vast proliferation of scholarship focusing on gender in the Victorian Era, but as much of this criticism focuses on women, the analysis of heterosexual masculinity in these novels provides a unique perspective on the complexities involved in gender constructions during this period. Masculine identity was in a transitory state in the early nineteenth century, as Romantic values were replaced by Victorian conceptions of masculinity, largely influencing the expectations of men. This paper argues that based on an understanding of femininity and masculinity as defined in relation to each other, the Brontë heroes look to the female characters as a source of stability to define themselves against, constructing a stagnant feminine role to frame an understanding of how masculinity was changing. The female characters resist this categorization, however, never allowing the men to fully classify them into stable feminine roles, which leads both shifting gender roles to intertwine and collapse in the novels, undermining any conceptualization of a stable or universal understanding of gender. The paper considers the role of masculinity based in class, relationships with women, and the understanding of sexual passion, to argue that the Brontës' portrayal of men emulates the anxieties surrounding the shift from Romantic to Victorian values of manliness, ultimately rejecting any stable definition of the nineteenth-century man.

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The discourse on sexuality in nineteenth-century Spain presents a fundamental difference between the masculine ideal of that period and our current definition of masculinity. According to today’s popular stereotype, the typical man seeks out sexual contact and takes any opportunities that arise. By contrast, within the hygiene texts of the nineteenth century one detects a sense of unease associated with sexual activity and its corresponding role in the construction of hegemonic masculinity. In particular, sexual excess, masturbation, and celibacy were viewed as antagonistic to middle-class masculinity, which was instead associated with venereal moderation, marriage, and fatherhood. Men who transgressed this model risked their health as well as their masculinity. This formula reveals an element of fragility with regard to notions of manhood, in contrast to the traditional image of Spanish masculinity that originated during the Reconquest and is based on bellicose heroism, bravado, and sexual prowess.

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In Western societies the increase in female employment (especially among married women) is seen as having brought about the crisis of the traditional model of the family, reinforcing the position of the "modern" model - the egalitarian family with two working spouses and a "dual-career" family. In contrast, the transitional situation in the post-communist countries during the 1990s is producing a crisis of the family with two working spouses (the basic type of the communist period) and leading to new power relations within the family. While the growth of dual-earner households in this century has implied modification of family models towards greater symmetry of responsibility for breadwinning and homemaking, there is considerable evidence that women's increased employment does not necessarily lead to a more egalitarian approach to gender roles within the family. The group set out to investigate the economic situation of families and economic power within the fame as a crucial factor in the transformation of families with two working spouses in order to reveal the specific patterns of gender contracts and power relations within the family that are emerging in response to the current political and economic transformation. They opted for a comparative approach, selecting the Czech Republic as a country where the very similar tendencies of a few years ago (almost 100% of women employed and the family as a realm of considerable private freedom where both women's and men's gender identities and the traditional distribution of family responsibilities were largely preserved) are combined with a very different experience in terms of economic inequalities during the 1990s to that of Russia. In the first stage of the study they surveyed 300 married couples (150 in each country) on the question of breadwinning. They then carried out in-depth interviews with 10 couples from each country (selected from among the educated layers of the population), focusing on the process of the social construction of gender, using breadwinning and homemaking as gender boundaries which distinguish men from women. By analysing changes in social position and the type of interpersonal interaction of spouses they distinguished two main types of family contracts: the neo-traditional "communal sharing" (with male breadwinner, traditional distribution of family chores and negotiated family power) and the modern one based on negotiated agreement. The most important pre-conditions of husband-wife agreement about breadwinning seemed to imply their overall gender ideology rather than the economic and/or family circumstances. In general, wives were more likely to express egalitarian views, supporting the blurring or even elimination of many gender boundaries. Husbands, on the other hand, more often gave responses calling for the continued maintenance of gender boundaries. The analysis showed that breadwinning is still an important gender boundary in these cultures, one that is assumed unless it is explicitly questioned and that is seen as part of what makes a man a "real man". The majority of respondents seemed to be committed to egalitarian ideology on gender roles and the distribution of family tasks, including decision making, but this is contradicted by the persistent idea of the husband as the breadwinner. This contradiction is more characteristic of the Russian situation than of the Czech. The quantitative study showed a difference in prevailing family models between the two countries, with a clearer shift towards the traditional family contract in the Russian case. The Czechs were more likely to consider their partnerships as based on negotiated agreement, while the Russians saw theirs as based on egalitarian contract, in both cases seeing this as the norm. The majority of couples said they felt satisfied with their marriage, although in both countries wives seemed to be less satisfied. There was however a difference in the issues that aroused dissatisfaction, with Czech women being more sensitive to issues such as self-realisation, personal independence, understanding and recognition in the family, and Russians to issues of love, understanding and recognition. The most disputed area for the majority of families was chores in the home, presumably because in many families both husband and wife were working hard outside the home and because a number of partners had differing views as to the ideal distribution of chores within the family. The distribution of power in the family seems to be linked to the level of well being. The analysis showed that in the dominant democratic model there is still an inverse connection between family leadership and well being: the more prominent the wife's position as head of the family is, the lower the level of family income. This may reflect both the husband's refusal to play the leading role in the family and even his rejection of any involvement in family issues in such a family. The qualitative research revealed that both men and women see the breadwinning role to be an essential part of masculine identity, a role which the female partner would take on temporarily to assist the male but not permanently since this would threaten the gender boundaries and the man's identity. At the same time, few breadwinners expressed a sense of job satisfaction and all considered their choice as imposed on them by the circumstances (i.e. having a family in difficult times). The group feel that family orientation and some loss of personal involvement in their profession is partly reflected in the fact that many of the men felt more comfortable and self-confident at home than at work. Women's work, on the other hand, was largely seen as a source of personal and self-realisation and social life. Eight out of ten of the Russian women interviewed were employed, although only two on a full-time basis, but none saw their jobs as adding substantially to the family budget. Both partners see the most important factor as the wife's wish to work or stay at home, and do not think it wise for the wife to work at the expense of her part of the "family contract", although husbands from the "egalitarian" relationships expressed more willingness to compromise. The analysis showed clearly that wives and husbands did not construct gender boundaries in isolation, with the interviews providing clear evidence of negotiation. At the same time, husbands' interpretations of their wives' employment were less susceptible to the influence of negotiation than were their gender attitudes and norms about breadwinning. One of the most interesting aspects of the spouses' negotiations was the extent to which they disagreed about what they seemed to have agreed upon. Most disagreements about the breadwinning boundaries, however, were over norms and were settled by changes in norms rather than in behavioural interpretation. Changes in norms were often a form of peace offering or were in response in changes in circumstances. The study did show, however, that many of the efforts at cooperation and compensation were more symbolic than real and the group found the plasticity of expressed gender ideology to be one of the most striking findings of their work. They conclude that the shift towards more traditional gednder distributions of incomes and domestic chores does not automatically mean the reestablishment of a patriarchal model of family power. On the contrary, it seems to be a compromise formation, relatively unstable, temporary and containing self-defeating forces as the split between the personal and professional value of work and its social value expressed in a money equivalent cannot be maintained for generations.

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BACKGROUND: Data on female patients with atherosclerotic peripheral arterial disease (PAD) are scarce, and limited primarily to the elderly population with multilevel disease. In this longitudinal observational study we compare female patients below 60 years of age with isolated lesions at the aortic bifurcation or focal superficial femoral artery disease. PATIENTS AND METHODS: Analysis is based on consecutive series of 43 female patients with PAD limited to the aortoiliac bifurcation (n = 28, group I) or an isolated femoral segment at the adductor channel (n = 15, group II) seen in a tertiary referral center between 1998 and 2000. The first assessment provided baseline data, with follow up data obtained at this study. Traditional risk factors, carotid artery disease and clinical outcome (mortality, cardiovascular events, vascular re-intervention rate, PAD progression) were evaluated over an interval of 5 (2 to 8) years. RESULTS: Female patients with aortic disease [group I] were younger (51.8 +/- 7.7 vs. 56.7 +/- 7.6 years in group II; p = 0.048), presented a more masculine phenotype, and smoked significantly more often (82% vs. 40%; p = 0.007). Arterial hypertension and diabetes mellitus were more common in group II, though it missed statistical significance (p = 0.068 and p = 0.085). Cardiovascular and limb outcome were comparable in both groups of female patients, while carotid artery disease was more severe in group I (i.e., carotid plaques in 71 vs. 53%). CONCLUSION: Our data support previous findings that cigarette smoking is a stronger risk factor for aortic disease as compared to femoral disease in younger female patients, with the strongest effect of smoking on a localized region of the aortic bifurcation.

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The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher. Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse.

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L’histoire des relations entre biologie et politique féministe est tendue et contradictoire. Cela paraît d’autant plus flagrant aujourd’hui à l’âge d’or des neurosciences qui ramènent les arguments de supériorité masculine, le caractère inéluctable des différences de genre et la prédominance de l’hétérosexualité à une affaire de cerveau. Dans cet article, nous analysons les points d’intersection propres aux sciences du cerveau et du féminisme. Ces deux champs de recherche entretiennent selon nous des rapports conflictuels mais parfois aussi productifs, y compris dans leurs rapports à l’activisme politique. Ces rapports peuvent être caractérisés en référence à trois directions de recherche principales : des « déstabilisations », des « reconstructions » et des « recontextualisations ». En guise de conclusion, nous terminons par quelques réflexions sur les conditions sociologiques de l’engagement dans une économie politique des neurosciences.[1] [1]Traduit de l’anglais par Marc Gagnepain. Pour une brève présentation de l’article et du dossier thématique dans lequel il s’inscrit, nous renvoyons le/la lecteur/trice à l’article introductif de Bovet, Kraus, Panese, Pidoux et Stücklin, « Les neurosciences à l’épreuve de la clinique et des sciences sociales. Regards croisés ».

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The aim of this project is to investigate the use of gender-fair language from a cross-linguistic perspective. Specifically, we are interested in whether the use of gender-fair language correlates with socio-economic rankings of gender equality and with structural features of a language. We decided to analyze online job advertisements, as they reflect common language use and can easily be compared across languages. Moreover, formulations in job advertisements have been shown to impact personnel selection via the way target groups are addressed and referred to. In the present study we examined to what extent job advertisements are formulated in a gender-fair way and how this correlates with factors such as language, culture as well as status and gender-typicality of the job advertised. The data consisted of job advertisements published online in four European countries which occupy different positions in socio-economic rankings of gender equality (World Economic Forum, 2011): Switzerland (10), Austria (rank 34), Poland (42), and Czech Republic (75). We randomly selected 100 job advertisements from four lines of business characterized by different proportions of female employees – steels/metals, science, restaurants/food services, and health care. The advertisements were analyzed with regard to the linguistic form of the job title and the remaining text; we also noted indicators of job status, reference to gender-typical traits, pictures of women/men and other information which might be relevant to the use of gender-fair language (e.g., equal opportunity policies). A first analysis of the data indicates that the phrasing of job titles is closely related to the gender-typicality of a profession. While mainly gender-fair forms are used in healthcare, masculine forms are used more often in the domain of steels and metals. Feminine forms only, however, are almost never used. Cultural differences as well as correlations with associated variables will be discussed.

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Research has shown that gender references in job advertisements play an important role for gender (in)equality in personnel selection. In advertisements gender is referred to in different ways, for instance, by using grammatically masculine and feminine human nouns (e.g., German Mechaniker/Mechanikerin 'mechanic, masc./fem.'), by mentioning typically feminine or typically masculine traits (e.g., kind and friendly versus determined and independent) as well as by showing pictures of women and men. The present study addresses the questions which forms of gender references occur in job advertisements, how these forms are distributed across different lines of business and across different countries. We collected job advertisements published online in four countries with different rankings of gender equality (i.e., Switzerland, Austria, Poland, and Czech Republic; World Economic Forum, 2011). We randomly selected 100 advertisements per country from four lines of business that are characterized by different proportions of female and male employees: (1) steels/metals, (2) science, (3) restaurants/food services, and (4) health care. The advertisements were analyzed with regard to the linguistic form of the job title and of the remaining text as well as reference to gender-typical traits. We also examined indicators of job status and other information (e.g., equal opportunity policies) which might be related to the use of gender references in job advertisements. The results show that, in general, gender-fair language occurs much more often in job ads from Switzerland and Austria than in those from Poland and the Czech Republic, where job titles are mostly masculine. While exclusive use of feminine forms are almost never used in Switzerland and Austria, they are more frequently used in Poland and Czech Republic. In general, gender-fair forms are more common when there are many women in a line of business, whereas more masculine forms are used where the proportion of women is low. In Switzerland and Austria, masculine forms are mostly combined with the supplement m/f to indicate that both women and men are addressed. The present data provide a sound basis for future studies on gender references in job advertisements. Furthermore it sheds a light on how companies comply with national guidelines of gender equality.

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In many languages, feminization has been used as a strategy to make language more gender-fair, because masculine terms, even in a generic function, exhibit a male bias. Up to date, little is known about possible side effects of this language use, for example, in personnel selection. In three studies, conducted in Polish, we analyzed how a female applicant was evaluated in a recruitment process, depending on whether she was introduced with a feminine or masculine job title. To avoid influences from existing occupations and terms, we used fictitious job titles in Studies 1 and 2: diarolożka (feminine) and diarolog (masculine). In Study 3, we referred to existing occupations that varied in gender stereotypicality. In all studies, female applicants with a feminine job title were evaluated less favorably than both a male applicant (Study 1) and a female applicant with a masculine job title (Studies 1, 2, and 3). This effect was independent of the gender stereotypicality of the occupation (Study 3). Participants' political attitudes, however, moderated the effect: Conservatives devaluated female applicants with a feminine title more than liberals (Studies 2 and 3).

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The basic principle of gender-fair language is symmetric linguistic treatment of women and men. Depending on the structure of the respective language, two principle strategies can be deployed to make a language gender-fair. In languages with few gender-differentiating forms, such as English, there is a tendency towards neutralization. Here, gender-unmarked forms such as police officer or chairperson are used to substitute the male-biased policeman or chairman. The second strategy, feminization, implies that feminine forms of human nouns are used more frequently and systematically to make female referents visible.Since the 1970s, gender-fair language has been suggested, if not prescribed, for both scientific and official texts and its positive effects are widely documented. The use of gender-fair language increases the cognitive availability of feminine exemplars. Also in an applied context women responding to job advertisements formulated in gender-fair language feel more motivated to apply for the position. However, "side effects" of gender-fair language have also been observed: For instance, women referred to with a gender-fair title (e.g. chairperson) were evaluated as lower in status than women referred to with a masculine generic (e.g. chairman). Similarily, social initiatives framed with the use of gender-fair language were evaluated less-favourably than initiatives using traditional language. This presentation presents the gender-fair language use in the framework of a social dilemma. In order to protect themselves (or initiatives they stand for) from being ascribed incompetence or a lower status, women may avoid feminine forms and thus contribute to the perpetuation of gender-unfair language, which may be detrimental for women in general. Raising awareness for this social concern, and framing it both in terms of group and individual interest can direct the discussion about gender-fair language into a broader perspective of gender equality.