999 resultados para Esfera pública transnacional
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The Evangelical Church is an institution that presents itself as a group that aims to be a mediator between society, the state and the country itself. However political practice within the churches have been somewhat taken authoritarian, manipulative, intolerant and realize this reality in the analysis of this work. While understanding that the Church as an institution has formed an opinion about what is right and wrong in their communities as a social institution can be seen in contemporary society growing religious occupation of the public sphere and in all segments of Brazilian society the presence of evangelicals. One of the challenges is the discussion of the practices of Christ when the ownership of the mandate legitimized by the vote happens, what real action is the "Christ policy"? What social contributions to retrieve people, places and cities? What is the competence to work towards promoting the other gains in health, employment, security, education? The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to the questioning of the current logic and prevailing construction of Christian ideals in politics. Develop an investigation by reference to the absence of a study on the activity of the evangelical councilors Christmas during the period 2004 -2008, order to be able assign a value judgment based on information of projects that every evangelical councilor exercised during the 15th Legislature, occasion that the City Council received the highest representation of evangelical councilors in its history.
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A política habitacional teve importante avanço na década de 2000, principalmente com a criação do Ministério das Cidades. A estruturação do Plano Nacional de Habitação ocasionou inclusão do tema na agenda governamental, permitindo a produção de habitação de interesse social voltada à população em situação vulnerável, através do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (PMCMV). Assim, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo compreender atributos de gestão social para a organização comunitária em empreendimentos da faixa 1 do Programa. Para tanto, realizou-se pesquisa quantitativa, por meio da aplicação de formulários, e qualitativa, por meio de grupo focal, ambos com beneficiários do Programa. No tocante aos resultados, observou-se debilidade do papel do Estado, caracterizado principalmente pelos frágeis Projetos Técnicos de Trabalho Social. Os elementos de gestão social igualmente foram frágeis, distanciando os empreendimentos de condições ideias de habitabilidade e convívio coletivo. A ausência de compreensão da relevância de bem-estar coletivo e a precariedade da esfera pública, conduzem ao afastamento da finalidade emancipatória da gestão social. Destacou-se, ainda, o papel de associações de moradores e de iniciativas de trabalho coletivo no atendimento de demandas sociais da comunidade.
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In this study, we focus on the relativization strategies, in diachronic corpus of Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Generally speaking, we aim to investigate the use of the relative in a historical perspective on BP, focusing on semantic-cognitive and discursive-pragmatic motivations involved and the correlation with the discursive traditions. The theoretical perspective underlying our study is the North-American Functional Linguistics, inspired by Talmy Givón, Sandra Thompson, Paul Hopper, Joan Bybee, Elizabeth Traugott, Mario Martelotta, Angelica Furtado da Cunha, among others, combined with contributions of Discursive Traditions, based on authors such as Kabatek, Koch and Oesterreicher. As for the methodology, our research is eminently qualitative, in the sense that it seeks to elucidate semantic-cognitive and discursive-pragmatic motivations related to the use of relativization strategies in BP; and it has quantitative support, with respect to measurable data aspect and characterization of the object of study and its frequency of use. For this investigation, we use the corpora of the project Para a História do Português Brasileiro (PHPB), more specifically, the particular, official, reader and redactor letters written between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries, from four states: Minas Gerais, Paraná, Pernambuco and Rio de Janeiro. The results of this research reveal the variation in relativization strategies, in view of the increase in the relativa cortadora (prepositional chopping strategy) percentage in the corpus of this investigation, even though the occurrence of this strategy is more restricted to private letters. In addition, we found factors of cognitive nature such as reduction in cognitive cost and economy related to the occurrence of that relative strategy, principally in private letters; aspects such as the need for expressiveness and clearness related to the use, even if infrequent, of the relativa copiadora (resumptive strategy), especially in official letters; and factors of communicative order such as the public sphere of circulation of the sample letters, as in the redactor and reader letters, and the gap between the parties most directly involved in the use of the standard relative of our sample.
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Dentro de las vanguardias históricas, fundamentalmente las de carácter utópico y con un fuerte compromiso político como el dadaísmo alemán, el constructivismo ruso y el surrealismo francés, podemos localizar una voluntad didáctica de desarrollar una creatividad colectiva y también una recepción colectiva, así como múltiples maneras de hacer que se ponen en común, difuminando las fronteras entre el espectador y el autor, con la clara intención de incidir en la esfera pública. El arte colectivo en las vanguardias se localiza mayoritariamente en amplios movimientos artísticos que involucran un gran número de individualidades y también en sus pretensiones de conseguir unas formas y unas prácticas artísticas que acompañen los movimientos utópicos y revolucionarios y que por tanto puedan ser ejercidas de modo colectivo. Podemos seguir esta voluntad vanguardista en otras experiencias posteriores a la Segunda Guerra Mundial como COBRA, la Internacional Situacionista o Fluxus, para ver cómo se consolidan en los años 80 y 90 con la irrupción de colectivos artísticos, que ya no se organizan en grandes movimientos sino en grupos de afinidad autónomos, con una clara intención activista. Del mismo modo que las vanguardias históricas dirigieron su acción colectiva para integrarse en movimientos activos ligados a los grandes relatos emancipadores de la revolución social, los nuevos grupos de arte y activismo de los años 80 buscarán legitimar sus prácticas en su coalición con los nuevos movimientos de acción política de la posmodernidad, que ya no estarán conformados en torno a aquellos grandes relatos revolucionarios de la modernidad sino que se centraran en las reivindicaciones de las minorías. Y si bien en las vanguardias, lo más habitual, era que los artistas se sumaran a manifiestos y grandes corrientes estéticas, ahora se atomizan en numerosos grupos...
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En este artículo proponemos la reflexión sobre la información periodística en el contexto contemporáneo a partir del análisis de las características del soporte del periódico, en una comparación entre dos periódicos de distintos países. A partir de los conceptos de espacialidad, visualidad y comunicabilidad, discutidos por Ferrara, considerando también el análisis de los componentes de paginación y diagramación de los periódicos, buscamos escudriñar los sentidos de la información y del conocimiento en este contexto de instrumentalización técnica
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In the context of demands by the European feminist movement at the beginning of the 20th century, in Spain women’s sport flagged up aspirations to what were considered to be male practices. The first experiences of women in football stand out because of their use of the media to appear as a symbol of social transformation to modernity in the 20th century. It was not in vain that women’s football highlighted the demands of the feminist movements, although it did come up against male disapproval from an opposing group. The research sets out from a bibliographical and media review of specialist press and sports news of the time. Other current studies have also been considered in order to place it in a social and historical focus on sport. This has enabled us to highlight that football in Spain was established as an unequivocal space for (re) producing male hegemony where women were relegated to the representation of a symbolic ritual in a scenario of accessory and condescension.
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Objetivo. Este estudo reflete sobre o impacto das políticas neoliberais e a austeridade na vida das famílias e das suas crianças, no sistema de promoção e proteção de crianças e jovens em perigo e na prática profissional dos assistentes sociais que nele trabalham na defesa dos direitos devidos a essas crianças. Partiu-se da análise do enfraquecimento do estado social, para se perceber o desmonte das políticas públicas e as suas implicações na carreira profissional e nas condições de trabalho do assistente social. Assiste-se à transição de responsabilidades da esfera pública para a sociedade civil, no caso específico das políticas de proteção à infância. Participantes. Existindo necessidade de constituir uma amostra para a realização do estudo, optámos por uma amostra não-probabilística de informadores estratégicos. O critério de inclusão foi ser assistente social a desempenhar funções na CPCJ do distrito de Leiria. Com este critério responderam ao questionário 10 Assistentes Sociais, num total de 16 solicitações às CPCJ do distrito de Leiria. A recolha de informação através da aplicação dos inquéritos decorreu entre o mês de maio e junho de 2015. Material e métodos. A recolha de dados, para poder responder à questão em análise, foi feita com a aplicação de um inquérito por questionário online, com perguntas fechadas e abertas. Resultados. O Neoliberalismo atinge a prática profissional do assistente social, pela redução de recursos para o estudo diagnóstico das crianças e suas famílias e pela redução de técnicos superiores especializados na intervenção. Os Direitos das Crianças no sistema de promoção e proteção não se encontram devidamente asseverados, na medida em que estas comungam do sucessivo empobrecimento das suas famílias, sendo privadas da satisfação das necessidades básicas para o seu saudável desenvolvimento. Implicações. Os resultados deste estudo compelem a uma clara necessidade de lhe dar continuidade de âmbito nacional, para entender e melhorar as expressões do trabalho do assistente social desenvolvido com as crianças e suas famílias, no sistema de promoção e proteção. É necessário construir e consolidar uma manifestação de espírito crítico na classe profissional, no sentido de pugnar pelo projeto ético – político, bem como atribuir ao Serviço Social o estatuto de disciplina especializada. Nesta qualidade, a profissão deve participar na análise e na discussão das políticas para a infância, para assim colocar as necessidades das crianças, no centro das obrigações públicas. / Objective: This study concerns the impact of the neoliberal and austerity policies in the life of the families and their children, in the protection system of children and young people at risk and in the professional practice of the social workers, who work to defend the rights owed to those children. It started with the analysis of the weaknesses of the social state to understand the deconstruction of the public policies and the implications in the professional career and working conditions of the social worker. It can be noticed that there is a transition of responsibilities from the public sphere to the civil society in the specific case of the childhood protection policies. Participants: Due to the need to build a sample to perform the study, we chose a nonprobabilistic sample of strategic informers. The inclusion criterion was being a social worker performing duties in the CPCJs in the District of Leiria. 10 social workers answered the questionnaire with this criterion, out of a total of 16 requests to the CPCJs of the District of Leiria. The gathering of the information through the use of the questionnaires was done between the months of May and June 2015. Material and Methods: The gathering of data, to be able to answer the question under analysis, was done through the use of online questionnaires, with both open and closed questions. Results: The Neoliberalism affects the professional practice of the social worker, by reducing the resources, in the diagnostic study of the children and their families, by reducing specialized superior technicians in the intervention. The rights of the children in the protection system are not properly secure as they are affected by the continuous impoverishment of their families, being deprived of satisfying their basic needs, which are essential to their healthy development. Implications: The results of this study indicate a clear necessity to give it some continuity at a national level, to understand and improve the expressions of the social worker’s job being developed with the children and their families, in the promotion and protection system. It is necessary to build and consolidate some form of critical mind in the professional class, as to fight for the ethical-political project, as well as to give to the social service the statute of specialized discipline. Therefore, the profession should participate in the analysis and discussion of the policies concerning the childhood, being then able to place the needs of the children, in the centre of the public obligations.
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The managing Conselho of public politics constitute one of the main experiences of democracy in Brazil contemporary representing a conquest for construction of a democratic institutionalism. The historical newness consists of the intensification and the institutionalization of the dialogue between government and society - in public and plural canals - as condition for an allocation more efficient joust and of the public resources. In this context the present study it objectified to understand from readings of the performance of represented group of bencheses the dynamics of functioning of the Tourist Conselho Pólo Costa das Dunas while space of participation and social control. The bibliographical research contemplated diverse sources in order to compile knowledge of credential authors in the quarrel of inherent subjects to the civil society and the public sphere to the construction of the citizenship to the conception formation and dynamics of the social control through Conselho of public politics. A qualitative perspective the case study was adopted as research method and for attainment of the data interviews with the members of the Conselho had been carried through beyond consultation the referring documents the dynamics of functioning of the Conselho. The profiles capacities and limitations of the members of the Conselho had been identified constitution social and dynamic organization of functioning of the Conselho and the readings of the members of the Conselho concerning the power to decide instances and participation. The results had shown that the allotment of being able in the Conselho does not occur of equal form. The functions of coordination of the activities of the Conselho are assumed by the representatives of the public agencies. Level of qualification of council members also if presents as difficulty to development of activities of Conselho since the majority of the interviewed ones disclosed unreliability and unfamiliarity when thematic specific that runs away from its organizacional reality they are boarded in the assemblies. Of this form the Conselho if presents more as half of institutional legitimation of what half of characterization of the creation of a public sphere properly said. Finally he could himself be concluded that a democratic culture inexists that inside crosses practical the institutional ones of the Conselho thus limiting the possibility to reach the effective social control of the public politics of tourism in the Rio Grande do Norte
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Given the uncertainties of the environment in today's world, strategic planning is again discussed as an important tool to position the organization in future likely. To address this a more dynamic and less linear, trying to adapt the multiple realities, the method of scenarios can be one of the strategies to anticipate future designs. In the public sphere, an efficient implementation of human resources and financial managers require a new approach to the formulation of strategies. Tourism, in turn, presents itself as an important segment of the national economy shaped up as a major source of funds for the formation of the Gross Domestic Product - GDP - of states and municipalities. This study aims to know the guidelines and perspectives of municipal planning of tourism in the city of Natal/RN from the case by the representatives of the sector. The survey was developed based on a qualitative, exploratory, based on the case in the Secretaria Municipal de Turismo e Desenvolvimento Econômico - SETURDE. The results express that the body goes through a time of changes in its organizational structure and in defining its role with the local tourism. The national plan for tourism and the choice of Christmas as the host city for the World Cup in 2014 have stimulated interest in developing a formal strategic planning in the organization. However, when it comes to more complex tools, such as the method of future scenarios, the technical know its definition and importance for future actions. The results presented support the conclusion that the actions are designed intuitively and without complying with the scientific methods developed for this purpose, as the method of strategic scenarios. However, the evidence beginning to emerge from the plans and documents issued by the federal government, as well as the Secretary's own initiative, direct the actions of the body to coordinate and act as a fulcrum for local action to the increase in tourism
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The object of this work is a fellowship of São Sebastião e Nossa Senhora do Rosário in the city of Jardim do Seridó (RN), that is, a black catholic fellowship on the sertão potiguar. The devotion to Nossa Senhora do Rosário, in colonial Brazil, organizes itself through black catholic men as fellowships. They blossomed in Brazil until the abolition, getting support from the Catholic church, from owners of slaves and from the population in general − unlike others afro-Brazilian religious expression. Today, these fellowships remain active, against the sentimental pessimism of the folklore studies, and they also have a highlight position in the calendar of many cities in Brazil, and in particular in Seridó. The research s foothold is the apparent valorization of the fellowship by the local elite, attitude that hides asymmetric relationships between the group of negros do Rosário and the local authorities, having as its consequence that the members occupy a subaltern position inside their own fellowship. This subalternity take place, mainly, in the public area, where the negros do Rosário cannot represent themselves neither political nor discursively. To discuss this idea, it s done a brief historical of these catholic institutions as well as a description of the relationship between the negros do Rosário and the elites of the city. Then, the phenomenon is analyzed as folklore and/or religion , under the perspective of many agents that participate in this process. In other moment, it is going to be presented how the group formulates their own representation of the history, of the devotional forms and of their own political-religious experiences. In this sense, an ethnography of the subalternity is understood as an analysis of the process that leads the negros do Rosário to become a subaltern group. It s also outlined the perception that the group has of its own position, through an ethnography essay of the subaltern subject. The research, focused in the group of Rosário, was done between August 2010 and January 2012 and includes other agents (like treasurers, priests and intellectuals). Besides that, as a methodological complement, there are documental research, photography, as well as shoots of the party days and public presentation
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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace
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Se estudia el rol que una Constitución Europea puede desempeñar en la integración de Europa. Luego de considerar las razones que motivaron la integración, el artículo sugiere que el interese económicos, que ha sido motivación poderosa, no será suficiente para asegurar un proyecto de verdadera unión política. Las emociones, más que los intereses, habrán de movilizar a los europeos; ellas unen a las personas para defender su modo de vida contra el tipo de sociedad que tienden a imponer los modelos económicos dominantes. Tres elementos son importantes para la integración: un Parlamento de Estrasburgo fuerte y público, una esfera pública europea, y una cultura política común.
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Recognition and the media recopila los aportes al campo de la comunicación y al estudio de los medios que viene desarrollando Rousiley Maia sobre la base de la teoría crítica de Axel Honneth, desde 1998 tras su formación posgradual en Política en la Universidad de Nottingham (UK) y como directora del grupo de investigación Pesquisa em Mídia e Esfera Pública (EME), de la Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG) en Brasil. El objetivo general del libro es ofrecer luces respecto a lo que la autora denomina ‘interfaces’ –las posibles conexiones– entre la teoría del reconocimiento de Honneth, la teoría política de la comunicación y la investigación empírica de los medios de comunicación, es decir, entre los estudios de los medios y los estudios de las luchas por el reconocimiento, en dinámicas que involucran la democracia, la esfera pública, la identidad, las minorías y grupos menos favorecidos, el compromiso cívico y los movimientos sociales.
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É na busca por compreender a inserção e participação de mulheres na política partidária na contemporaneidade que esta dissertação, situada na linha de pesquisa Culturas, Linguagens e Utopias, tem como objetivo analisar as narrativas de vereadoras de municípios que estão localizados na região sul do Rio Grande do Sul no período de 2009-2012. O corpus de análise constitui-se de entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com as onze vereadoras participantes a partir da metodologia de investigação narrativa. Partindo das contribuições dos Estudos Culturais e de Gênero em suas vertentes pós-estruturalistas procurou-se problematizar alguns discursos e práticas que emergiram nas narrativas com base nas contribuições da análise do discurso de Michel Foucault. Assim, verificou-se que a representação cultural das mulheres neste campo político está fundamentada em concepções essencialistas do gênero feminino como a sensibilidade. Isso vem provocando discussões na ciência política e nos estudos de gênero a partir de termos como política de ideias, política de desvelo que discutem a presença das mulheres em decorrência ou não desses atributos. O fato é que esses discursos vêm instituindo diferenças na participação de homens e mulheres na política e constituindo formas de ser mulher na política partidária e de fazer política diferenciada das dos homens de forma menos “dura”, “rígida”. Ao debruçar-se na inserção das mulheres nessa esfera pública constatou-se uma trajetória marcada pelas noções de público e privado que impediu ao longo de nossa história a participação das mulheres no campo político e o desenvolvimento de sua cidadania. Além disso, nas narrativas das vereadoras fica evidente que as mulheres não foram constituídas para participarem do que hoje é um direito seu: a esfera pública de decisão da política. Isso foi constatado a partir do convite que foi feito para a candidatura pelos partidos que a partir das cotas partidárias procuraram mais significativamente por mulheres para concorrer. Também se observou neste estudo o capital político de ingresso das mulheres nessa esfera: o capital familiar, capital dos movimentos sociais e capital de ocupação em cargos públicos. Quanto a participação das mulheres no cotidiano de seus mandatos identificamos a dificuldade de ser mulher e política na atualidade. As negociações com os partidos e os colegas, a conciliação entre a família e a vida pública; os focos de atuação dedicados as áreas sociais e nesse destacamos mais significativamente a educação. Por fim, o que pretendemos foi desconfiar da máxima “lugar de mulher não é na política” e conhecer as trajetórias e histórias de mulheres que cotidianamente entre conflitos e disputas lutam pelo seu lugar na esfera pública, pelo exercício de sua cidadania.
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Con Los orígenes del totalitarismo Hannah Arendt propuso identificar el mal radical que los regímenes totalitarios efectuaron durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. La política de la muerte de Hitler y Stalin llegó a ser un flagelo hacia la humanidad y causó una gran intimidación que no escatimó la violencia y la aniquilación total de sus opositores. La política de la muerte significa no solo exterminar la vida desde un aspecto físico sino también desde un aspecto político, demostrando la capacidad de aislar al ser humano de su espontaneidad en la esfera pública y de su innegable pluralidad en los asuntos humanos. Las ideologías políticas que antecedieron a los regímenes totalitarios influyeron en la constitución de los partidos nacionalsocialista y bolchevismo, basando su discurso y ejecución mediante acontecimientos históricos que no fueron ajenos a su erección. La política de la muerte fue la determinación de todo un aparato estatal para acabar con la diversidad de los hombres y sumergirlos en la política macabra de los regímenes totalitarios, una política basada en la muerte.