De är mer än sitt framtida yrke : Nio lärares syn på samhällskunskapsundervisningen på yrkesförberedande program

The aim of this study is to examine how teachers view their teaching in civics in vocational programmes. The question formation are: in what extent civic teachers choose to connect the subject with the student’s future profession. Also how the teaching conditions in civics differ between vocational- and pre-university programmes. Lastly the study examines how the teachers experience that their teaching in civics has change since the upper secondary school reform in year 2011. The data was collected through nine interviews with teachers in civic who teach at vocational programmes in Jönköping municipality. The two theories used in the study is the motivational process and Kolbs learning styles. The result show that all the teachers choose to connect their subject with the students’ future profession. But in which extent the teachers choose to do it differs, depending on student’s wishes and the possibility of doing natural connections between the subject and the profession. The terms that differ between vocational- and preuniversity programmes civic lessions are the student’s motivation and how the students learn the best. The biggest change after GY11 is that the teacher’s feel that they have less time but as much material as before. They think it’s harder to do all the different parts of the course because they don’t have enough time. It’s also harder to individualize. The result consistently show that the teaching are most effected by which type of group the students consist of.

Samhällskunskapens dimensioner : Tio lärare ramar in sitt ämne

Denna samhällskunskapsdidaktiska studies syfte är att undersöka vad samhällskunskapslärare själva upplever som de viktigaste påverkansfaktorerna för transformeringen av samhällskunskap som skolämne till samhällskunskap som undervisning utifrån didaktiska frågor som Vad?, Hur? och Varför?, samt hur detta upplevs förändrats över en tidsperiod om cirka tjugo år eller mer. Studien bygger på hermeneutisk-fenomenologisk livsvärldsansats där fenomenologisk beskrivning och hermeneutisk tolkning är centralt. Empirin utgörs av intervjuer med tio samhällskunskapslärare med lång yrkeserfarenhet från högstadium, gymnasium eller vuxenutbildning. Resultatet tematiseras utifrån inspiration från ramfaktorteoretiska utgångspunkteri fyra dimensioner av påverkansfaktorer, vilka är Den personliga dimensionen, Den didaktiska dimensionen, Den styrande dimensionen och Den samhälleliga dimensionen. Var och en av dessa dimensioner delas upp i ett antal variationer. Dimensionerna är konstruerade utifrån principen om det personligt nära till det samhälleligt distanserade. Utöver dessa dimensioner har en aspekt på dessa lagts till. Det är Den elevnära aspekten vars innehåll utgörs av eleverna som påverkansfaktor för hur undervisningen blir. Lärarna i studien pratar aldrig om eleverna som påverkansfaktor utan att koppla detta till någon av de fyra dimensionerna. Slutsatser som dras i studien är att de tio lärarna alla har mycket olika berättelserom vad de uppfattar som viktigaste påverkansfaktorer. Några lägger mest fokus på sin personliga bakgrund eller personliga intressen. Andra fokuserar mer på didaktiska idéer, på styrdokument eller på organisatoriska ramar. Studien visar också att lärarna alla har en eller ett par dominerande dimensioner som dels syns mest i berättelsen, dels också påverkar hur de pratar om de andra dimensionerna. Lärarnas berättelser visar även att de upplever att undervisningen och vad som påverkar denna påtagligt förändras över tid. Studiens viktigaste bidrag är kanske att den exemplifierar teoretiska perspektiv. Inte minst genom att belysa att vad som påverkar undervisningen i ett ämne är så komplext att den ramfaktorteoretiska byggnadsställningen måste anpassas efter den specifika undersökningen med dess frågeställningar och undersökningsmaterial.

State-narco networks and the ‘War on Drugs’ in post-transition Bolivia, with special reference to 1989-1993

This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.

Prática de ensino supervisionada em educação pré-escolar e ensino do 1.º ciclo do ensino básico. Cidadania na infância: contributos para uma educação na e para a cidadania

O presente relatório da Prática de Ensino Supervisionada em Educação Pré-escolar e Ensino do 1.º ciclo do Ensino Básico pretende dar a conhecer os aspetos inerentes à dimensão investigativa que desenvolvi na instituição Núcleo de Educação Infantil Colônia Z-11, no Brasil, na cidade de Florianópolis, no ano letivo de 2015; e na instituição Escola Básica dos Canaviais, em Portugal, na cidade de Évora, no ano letivo de 2015/2016. Este relatório incide na temática Cidadania na Infância. Tive como propósito legitimar a criança como sujeito social (a criança cidadã) e contribuir para uma educação que vise a cidadania como direito na infância. Foi deste modo que me propus compreender como poderia contribuir nos espaços institucionais para uma educação na cidadania, vivida no presente, e uma educação para a cidadania, projetada para uma integração do cidadão também no futuro. Considerei que as instituições educativas devem criar uma relação com o dia-a-dia da criança nas diversas áreas, disciplinares e não disciplinares. Numa perspetiva de cidadania participativa, valorizando as instituições educativas como espaços de aquisição e de desenvolvimento de atitudes e competências do cidadão. A dimensão investigativa que desenvolvi no contexto de pré-escolar pretendeu acentuar a consciência de uma identidade cultural, coletiva e individual, valorizando os saberes que as crianças trazem do meio sociocultural de origem. A dimensão investigativa que desenvolvi no contexto de 1.ºciclo pretendeu promover espaços de diálogo, coconstrutivos para as aprendizagens do e entre o grupo. Através de uma análise reflexiva dos instrumentos de recolha de dados tentei dar resposta às questões que orientaram a investigação-ação que realizei, sendo estas: [O que é que a cidadania pode significar nos contextos educativos?]; [Como se promove a cidadania nas instituições escolares?] e [Como criar ambientes que permitam a participação cívica de todos?]; Report of the Supervised Teaching Practice to achieve the Master’s Degree in Pre-school Education and Teaching of the Primary School Abstract: The present report of Supervised Teaching Practice in Preschool Education and in Primary School aims to present the aspects inherent to the research dimension that I developed at the Núcleo de Educação Infantil Colônia Z-11, in Brazil, in the City of Florianopolis, in the academic year of 2015; And at the institution Escola Básica dos Canaviais, in Portugal, in the city of Évora, in the academic year of 2015/2016. The report focuses on the theme of Citizenship in childhood. I had the purpose to legitimize the child as a social subject (the child citizen) and contribute to an education that aims at citizenship as a right in childhood. It was in this way that I set out to understand how I could contribute in the institutional spaces for an education in citizenship, lived in the present, and an education for citizenship, projected for an integration of the citizen in the future. I considered that educational institutions should create a relationship with the child's daily life in the various areas, disciplinary and non-disciplinary. In a perspective of participatory citizenship, valuing educational institutions as spaces for acquisition and development of citizens' attitudes and skills. The research dimension that I developed in the pre-school context sought to accentuate the awareness of a collective, individual and cultural identity, valuing the knowledge that children bring from the socio-cultural environment where the child was born and lives. The investigative dimension that I developed in the context of the Primary School was intended to promote spaces for dialogue, coconstructives to the learnings of and between the group. Through a reflexive analysis of the instruments of data collection I tried to answer the questions that guide the action research that I realized, being these: [What can citizenship mean in the school contexts?]; [How citizenship could be promoted in the school institutions?] And [How to create environments which allow the civics participation of all?].

El desarrollo de foros estudiantiles como estrategia para fortalecer la enseñanza de la Cívica. La experiencia del Primer Foro Regional de Gobiernos Estudiantiles

With the implementation of the new Civics Syllabi, new expectations are opened so that the civil education is approached in a more integral way. This will let the teachers explore different techniques to develop their students´ citizenship competences, in order for them to join a society where local, national and global participation allow them to take relevant and committed attitudes. The execution of the Regional Students´ Government Forums is an example on how education contributes to create opportunities for leading students, so that they can have spaces to reflect, give their opinions and offer solutions to the problems that society is facing, and that at the same time, in the future they will be assumed by these students when they have their full citizenship.

Nosotras somos la amenaza

The proposal of this paper is to build some “word pictures” of the contemporary resistance ways of Bolivian women, exemplified in stories of practices that occurred in conflicting events in the city of El Alto. The images are described in order to show the transformation of their actions, accompanied by stories that alsoshow the disruptive of their participation in the daily political work. This ethnographic exercise ends with a reflection of El Alto women who participated in the blockade of the city in October 2003.

Speed, legislatures and international treaties: Evidence from Mercosur

What causes faster or slower procedures in the parliaments when considering international treaties? This question motivates the current research, which aims to understand how the nature of coalitions influence the duration of the legislative processes. For this, the analysis covers all the treaties signed by Mercosur between 1991 and 2021 and the internalisation processes in four member states (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay). It observes how long each parliament took to approve the treaties and which was the effect of political and economic variables. A mixed-methods approach was adopted for the empirical research, combining Survival Analysis, Qualitative Comparative Analysis and Process Tracing. While the quantitative work investigates all the cases, the qualitative study illuminates the enlargement of Mercosur, with in-depth analysis of the Paraguayan approval of the Venezuelan and Bolivian accessions. This study provides important insights into the role of national legislatures in the Latin American regionalism, concluding that the government-opposition cleavage drives the parliamentarians’ behaviour on the topic of regional integration. The study also contributes to the field Mercosur studies with the characterisation of the treaties ratified domestically, by undertaking a longitudinal analysis at the 30th anniversary of the bloc.

I “resabios” come sovversione. Etnostoria dei movimenti di indigeni, donne e lavoratori nello «Stato apparente» boliviano

La tesi adotta una prospettiva etnostorica rafforzata da una metodologia etnografica per analizzare lo sviluppo dei processi di politicizzazione nel territorio boliviano dal periodo coloniale ad oggi, collocandoli all’interno di un più ampio sistema di relazioni economiche, politiche e sociali dettate dall’eterogeneo sviluppo del capitalismo globale; la tesi mostra sia il modo specifico in cui, nelle varie contingenze storiche, queste relazioni hanno riorganizzato l’«abigarrada» società boliviana e inciso sui processi di politicizzazione, sia il modo in cui i soggetti hanno contestato e messo in tensione tale riorganizzazione. Per l’analisi si partirà dalla posizione di quei soggetti che sono stati definiti alternativamente come indios, indigeni, campesinos nel territorio boliviano, guardando alle connessioni politiche che questi hanno messo in campo con diversi soggetti – donne, lavoratori, attivisti urbani. Questa posizione offre una «prospettiva epistemologica privilegiata» per indagare il modo in cui i movimenti sociali impattano nell’articolazione tra Stato, società civile e capitale, non perché tali soggetti sono portatori di un’autenticità alternativa al capitalismo, ma perché il modo in cui riattivano quell’insieme di miti, credenze e residui precapitalistici – i «resabios» – che concorrono alla «memoria larga» delle lotte, innestandoli su elementi introdotti dal capitalismo, mostra la loro capacità di sovvertire la posizione subalterna che la riproduzione del capitale nel territorio boliviano ha imposto loro. Si mostreranno anche le tensioni e i conflitti dati dalle diverse posizioni che donne e uomini, giovani e anziani, figure d’autorità e ‘base’ assumono all’interno della loro identificazione come indigeni. La ricerca permette di affermare che l’identità indigena è il prodotto della risposta istituzionale che di volta in volta è stata data per neutralizzare l’emergenza politica di soggetti la cui eterogeneità non ha impedito, ma al contrario ha reso possibile, un’accumulazione di forza tale da mettere in crisi gli assetti politici, economici e istituzionali dello Stato post-coloniale.