MoVimento 5 Stelle - Fortführung des italienischen Rechtspopulismus?

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird analysiert, ob die neue italienische Partei MoVimento 5 Stelle (M5S) eine rechtspopulistische Partei ist. Darüber hinaus wird mithilfe eines Vergleichs mit Berlusconis Partei Popolo della libertà (PDL) erörtert, ob das M5S den italienischen Rechtspopulismus fortführt. Das M5S wurde im Jahre 2009 von dem italienischen Komiker Beppe Grillo gegründet und zog nach seiner ersten Teilnahme an nationalen Wahlen im Jahre 2013 als zweitstärkste Partei in das italienische Parlament ein. Mit seiner Anti-Establishment-Programmatik und der Ablehnung der etablierten Parteien ähnelt das M5S nicht nur Berlusconis Partei PDL, sondern auch den rechtspopulistischen Parteien, die seit den 1980er Jahren in Westeuropa beständig an Relevanz gewonnen haben. Diese Parteien polemisieren gegen Politiker und Parteien, stellen die Legitimität von Minderheitenrechten und die Prinzipien der repräsentativen Demokratie in Frage. Organisatorisch gruppieren sie sich um einen charismatischen Anführer, dessen Anspruch es ist, die ‚Stimme des Volkes‘ zu repräsentieren. Diese und andere zentrale Charakteristika sind Gegenstand des theoretischen Teils dieser Arbeit. Die Analysedimension sind ‚Programmatik‘ und ‚Organisation‘. Die letztgenannte Kategorie wird in ‚interne Organisationsstruktur‘ und ‚Kommunikation‘ unterteilt. Die Basis der Analyse bilden Parteidokumente (Wahl- und Parteiprogramme, Parteistatuten, Blogeinträge), Experteneinschätzungen und die Forschungsliteratur. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass es sich beim M5S nicht um eine rechtspopulistische, sondern um eine populistische Partei mit linken Elementen handelt. Den italienischen Rechtspopulismus, wie ihn Berlusconis Partei pflegt, führt sie folglich nicht fort. Sie zeigt in der Organisation starke Parallelen, da beide Parteien von ihren Anführern dominiert werden. Aber das M5S hat eine stark web-basierte Organisationsform und vertritt Umweltthemen, was keine typischen Merkmale rechtspopulistischer Parteien sind. Darüber hinaus vertritt es keine nationalistischen Position, was hingegen konstitutiv für Rechtspopulismus ist.

A Sociological Study of the Political Subsystem in Yugoslavia

In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

Mind the gap: Do proportional electoral systems foster a more equal representation of women and men, poor and rich?

Female gender and low income are two markers for groups that have been historically disadvantaged within most societies. The study explores two research questions related to their political representation: (1) ‘Are parties biased towards the ideological preferences of male and rich citizens?’; and (2) ‘Does the proportionality of the electoral system moderate the degree of under-representation of women and poor citizens in the party system?’ A multilevel analysis of survey data from 24 parliamentary democracies indicates that there is some bias against those with low income and, at a much smaller rate, women. This has systemic consequences for the quality of representation, as the preferences of the complementary groups differ. The proportionality of the electoral system influences the degree of under-representation: specifically, larger district magnitudes help in closing the considerable gap between rich and poor.

More Money, Fewer Problems? Cross-Level Effects of Economic Deprivation on Political Representation

While equal political representation of all citizens is a fundamental democratic goal, it is hampered empirically in a multitude of ways. This study examines how the societal level of economic inequality affects the representation of relatively poor citizens by parties and governments. Using CSES survey data for citizens’ policy preferences and expert placements of political parties, empirical evidence is found that in economically more unequal societies, the party system represents the preferences of relatively poor citizens worse than in more equal societies. This moderating effect of economic equality is also found for policy congruence between citizens and governments, albeit slightly less clear-cut.

An Ever Closer Union? The Nationalisation of Political Parties in Switzerland, 1991–2015

The contribution of this research note is a systematic description of levels of party nationalisation in Switzerland, using results from the elections to the Swiss National Council between 1991 and 2015. Party nationalisation is understood as the territorial homogeneity of a party's electoral performance and measured using the inverted and standardised Gini index. Our results indicate a trend towards more nationalisation in the Swiss party system over the time period covered, and distinct patterns for single parties. The SVP and the GLP have made big leaps towards stronger nationalisation, with the former closing in on the levels of the SP and the FDP, while the CVP remains a weakly nationalised party, considering its size.

Novos formatos escolares para novas demandas sociais : O Ensino Médio Integrado

When it comes to reflecting on the Brazilian educational system , secondary education is what causes the most controversial debates . For a long time , enrollment rates in secondary school were embarrassing , what has changed in recent decades . It became mandatory and expanded significantly the enrollment , but keep the high level of failure and dropout . Historically, the definition of options for secondary education and particularly vocational education , has been in Brazil for conflict of interests and positions , which is expressed in the diversity of curricular proposals presented throughout the twentieth century and the beginning of this XXI century. Currently, the line adopted by the federal government is to encourage states and municipalities to implement the method of integrated secondary school , thus seeking to establish links between the academic and professional learning . The topic of this article is precisely this choice of integrated education . It is within the framework of the Brazilian educational scenario and its late development compared to other countries in the region under review debate and educational policies aimed to integrate the high school and the working world

Novos formatos escolares para novas demandas sociais : O Ensino Médio Integrado

When it comes to reflecting on the Brazilian educational system , secondary education is what causes the most controversial debates . For a long time , enrollment rates in secondary school were embarrassing , what has changed in recent decades . It became mandatory and expanded significantly the enrollment , but keep the high level of failure and dropout . Historically, the definition of options for secondary education and particularly vocational education , has been in Brazil for conflict of interests and positions , which is expressed in the diversity of curricular proposals presented throughout the twentieth century and the beginning of this XXI century. Currently, the line adopted by the federal government is to encourage states and municipalities to implement the method of integrated secondary school , thus seeking to establish links between the academic and professional learning . The topic of this article is precisely this choice of integrated education . It is within the framework of the Brazilian educational scenario and its late development compared to other countries in the region under review debate and educational policies aimed to integrate the high school and the working world

Novos formatos escolares para novas demandas sociais : O Ensino Médio Integrado

When it comes to reflecting on the Brazilian educational system , secondary education is what causes the most controversial debates . For a long time , enrollment rates in secondary school were embarrassing , what has changed in recent decades . It became mandatory and expanded significantly the enrollment , but keep the high level of failure and dropout . Historically, the definition of options for secondary education and particularly vocational education , has been in Brazil for conflict of interests and positions , which is expressed in the diversity of curricular proposals presented throughout the twentieth century and the beginning of this XXI century. Currently, the line adopted by the federal government is to encourage states and municipalities to implement the method of integrated secondary school , thus seeking to establish links between the academic and professional learning . The topic of this article is precisely this choice of integrated education . It is within the framework of the Brazilian educational scenario and its late development compared to other countries in the region under review debate and educational policies aimed to integrate the high school and the working world

Social cleavages and electoral support in Turkey -- toward convergence?

Studies on Western democracies have shown that deep-seated social cleavages stabilize the electoral behavior and thus reduce electoral volatility. But how do social cleavages affect a party system that is undergoing democratic consolidation, such as in Turkey? In this study, investigations were carried out on long- and short-term relationships between social cleavages (religiosity, ethnicity, and sectarism) and electoral volatility in Turkey during the 1961-2002 period. Cross-sectional multiple regressions were applied to electoral and demographic data at the provincial level. The results showed that in the long-term, social cleavages on the whole have increased volatility rather than reduced it. The cleavage-volatility relationship, however, has changed over time. Repeated elections have mitigated the volatile effect of social cleavages on the voting behavior, as political parties have become more representative of the existent social cleavages.

The Feasibility of Cuban Market Economy: A Comparison with Vietnam

In spite of the difficulties incurred by its people, Cuba has maintained a centrally planned economy with single party system. On the contrary, Vietnam has introduced a market economy under communist rule, and succeeded in generally improving living standards. The factors that contributed to the introduction of Vietnamese-style reforms are (1) severe economic crisis, (2) demonstration effects from neighboring countries, (3) poor social policy, (4) initiatives by ex-conservative leader/s, and (5) weak state capacity. The conditions to sustain high economic growth are (1) social sectors familiar with capitalist economics, (2) abundant labor forces with relatively low labor cost, and (3) investment by exiles. This paper analyzes to what extent Cuba meets these conditions.

The Experience of the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) : Political Parties in Kenya from 1991 to 2007

This paper first examines splits and mergers among Kenya’s political parties (and inner-party factions) from the restoration of a multi-party system in 1991 until 2007, before the turbulent 10th general elections were conducted. It then considers what functions “political parties” have in Kenya with special reference to the period since 2002, the year in which President Moi announced his intention to retire. A look back at NARC’s five years of rule reveals that, although it succeeded in changing the government, NARC, as a “political party,” remained throughout an organization without any real substance. The paper looks at (1) NARC’s de facto split after its overwhelming win in the ninth general election, (2) malfunctions of the anti-defection laws that were introduced in the 1960s, and (3) Kenya’s election rules that require candidates to be nominated by registered political parties in general elections. The paper proceeds to argue that as a result of the operation of these three elements, Kenya’s political parties, and especially the victorious coalition sides, tend to end up being nothing more than temporary vehicles for political elites angling for post-election posts.

UM ESTUDO DE IDEOLOGIA – EDUCAÇÃO CIDADÃ: UMA ANÁLISE SOBRE AS MOTIVAÇÕES E ASPIRAÇÕES DOS ALUNOS DA ONG EDUCAFRO

Este estudo teve por objetivo conhecer, discutir e analisar as motivações e aspirações dos alunos inseridos nos cursos pré-vestibulares para negros e carentes da ONG EDUCAFRO, bem como a inserção desses jovens no Ensino Superior e no mercado de trabalho, considerando os mecanismos de inclusão e exclusão dos negros no Sistema Educacional Brasileiro. Dentre muitos estudos importantes, que abordam a temática do negro no sistema educacional, gostaríamos de destacar os Movimentos Sociais, de Educação e Cidadania, a dissertação: Um Estudo sobre os Cursos Pré-Vestibulares Populares, apresentada ao Programa de Pós-graduação, como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Mestre de Alexandre do Nascimento UERJ Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, em 1999 e a dissertação de Mestrado de Cristiane Maria Ribeiro sob o título Anti-Racismo e Educação: O Projeto Político-Pedagógico das Lideranças Negras de Uberlândia em 2000. A leitura dessas obras foi essencial para o encaminhamento dos estudos que integram este trabalho, uma vez que argumentam sobre a dívida social que o Brasil tem com os afro-descendentes no sistema educacional. Destacamos também o professor, escritor e ativista dos direitos humanos, o historiador negro nascido nos EUA, John Hope Franklin declara que as políticas compensatórias foram aplicadas desde a década de sessenta. Essas políticas pretendiam oferecer aos afro-americanos a chance de participar das mudanças sociais. De modo que as universidades foram obrigadas a implantar políticas de cotas e também implantar procedimentos que fossem favoráveis à população negra. No Brasil, essa luta está sendo organizada pela ONG EDUCAFRO que vem desenvolvendo há alguns anos mecanismos de inclusão social, justificando-os por meio da necessidade de compensar os negros pela discriminação sofrida no passado, beneficiando de alguma forma essa porcentagem da população brasileira. No decorrer da pesquisa bibliográfica, encontramos, por meio das diversas obras consultadas, uma grande preocupação dos autores com a questão das Ações Afirmativas como meio de compensar a população negra, apesar da resistência por parte daqueles que temem o progresso social dos negros, no entanto, pesquisas s indicam caminhos para reverter esse quadro negativo. Diante dessa realidade, fica o grande desafio: o que motiva e quais são as metas dos professores que ministram voluntariamente aulas nos Cursinhos Comunitários? O que almejam os alunos com o seu acesso no Ensino Superior? A pesquisa confirmou que os alunos do Núcleo estudado buscam na ONG EDUCAFRO uma forma alternativa de inserção no Ensino Superior e, que essa inserção os motiva e os inspira no vislumbre de se colocarem também no mercado de trabalho. Vale ressaltar que o presente estudo não tem a pretensão de esgotar o assunto, mas de abrir espaços

UM ESTUDO DE IDEOLOGIA – EDUCAÇÃO CIDADÃ: UMA ANÁLISE SOBRE AS MOTIVAÇÕES E ASPIRAÇÕES DOS ALUNOS DA ONG EDUCAFRO

Este estudo teve por objetivo conhecer, discutir e analisar as motivações e aspirações dos alunos inseridos nos cursos pré-vestibulares para negros e carentes da ONG EDUCAFRO, bem como a inserção desses jovens no Ensino Superior e no mercado de trabalho, considerando os mecanismos de inclusão e exclusão dos negros no Sistema Educacional Brasileiro. Dentre muitos estudos importantes, que abordam a temática do negro no sistema educacional, gostaríamos de destacar os Movimentos Sociais, de Educação e Cidadania, a dissertação: Um Estudo sobre os Cursos Pré-Vestibulares Populares, apresentada ao Programa de Pós-graduação, como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Mestre de Alexandre do Nascimento UERJ Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, em 1999 e a dissertação de Mestrado de Cristiane Maria Ribeiro sob o título Anti-Racismo e Educação: O Projeto Político-Pedagógico das Lideranças Negras de Uberlândia em 2000. A leitura dessas obras foi essencial para o encaminhamento dos estudos que integram este trabalho, uma vez que argumentam sobre a dívida social que o Brasil tem com os afro-descendentes no sistema educacional. Destacamos também o professor, escritor e ativista dos direitos humanos, o historiador negro nascido nos EUA, John Hope Franklin declara que as políticas compensatórias foram aplicadas desde a década de sessenta. Essas políticas pretendiam oferecer aos afro-americanos a chance de participar das mudanças sociais. De modo que as universidades foram obrigadas a implantar políticas de cotas e também implantar procedimentos que fossem favoráveis à população negra. No Brasil, essa luta está sendo organizada pela ONG EDUCAFRO que vem desenvolvendo há alguns anos mecanismos de inclusão social, justificando-os por meio da necessidade de compensar os negros pela discriminação sofrida no passado, beneficiando de alguma forma essa porcentagem da população brasileira. No decorrer da pesquisa bibliográfica, encontramos, por meio das diversas obras consultadas, uma grande preocupação dos autores com a questão das Ações Afirmativas como meio de compensar a população negra, apesar da resistência por parte daqueles que temem o progresso social dos negros, no entanto, pesquisas s indicam caminhos para reverter esse quadro negativo. Diante dessa realidade, fica o grande desafio: o que motiva e quais são as metas dos professores que ministram voluntariamente aulas nos Cursinhos Comunitários? O que almejam os alunos com o seu acesso no Ensino Superior? A pesquisa confirmou que os alunos do Núcleo estudado buscam na ONG EDUCAFRO uma forma alternativa de inserção no Ensino Superior e, que essa inserção os motiva e os inspira no vislumbre de se colocarem também no mercado de trabalho. Vale ressaltar que o presente estudo não tem a pretensão de esgotar o assunto, mas de abrir espaços

O re-velar da competência docente no acontecer humano

Esta pesquisa analisa as competências que se desenvolvem na prática pedagógica do trabalho docente, tendo como referência as transformações ocorridas na escola pública e que atualmente conferem às professoras e aos professores o papel de mediador entre o aluno e o conhecimento. Nesse contexto, buscamos compreender os significados da formação, das competências e dos saberes docentes no cotidiano educacional. Embora as considerações sobre as competências e sua utilização estejam presentes nas discussões entre os docentes, o termo demanda várias interpretações e por isso ainda causa muita polêmica, principalmente sobre o modo como essas competências são desenvolvidas na prática pedagógica. Por isso, analisamos as competências em suas várias dimensões técnica, estética, ética e política , assim como procuramos apontar a importância da formação humana no espaço escolar. Realizamos também uma análise sobre as tendências pedagógicas que influenciaram e que ainda influenciam a escola brasileira. Dessa forma, podemos afirmar que a educação é fruto das interações humanas, seja no universo escolar, seja nas demandas da sociedade. Contudo, embora a legislação considere a formação da pessoa como um dos pilares educacionais, a prática escolar revela que a atuação do docente está pautada em uma política de resultados, voltada para ações racionalmente pensadas e planejadas, cujo fim é essencialmente o econômico, quando não é só esse o seu papel. Entendemos que a escola não pode se restringir às necessidades do mercado de trabalho sem dúvida alguma primordial para a sobrevivência do homem. Ela deve alçar outros vôos também em direção ao belo, ao estético, ao ético e ao político.

O re-velar da competência docente no acontecer humano

Esta pesquisa analisa as competências que se desenvolvem na prática pedagógica do trabalho docente, tendo como referência as transformações ocorridas na escola pública e que atualmente conferem às professoras e aos professores o papel de mediador entre o aluno e o conhecimento. Nesse contexto, buscamos compreender os significados da formação, das competências e dos saberes docentes no cotidiano educacional. Embora as considerações sobre as competências e sua utilização estejam presentes nas discussões entre os docentes, o termo demanda várias interpretações e por isso ainda causa muita polêmica, principalmente sobre o modo como essas competências são desenvolvidas na prática pedagógica. Por isso, analisamos as competências em suas várias dimensões técnica, estética, ética e política , assim como procuramos apontar a importância da formação humana no espaço escolar. Realizamos também uma análise sobre as tendências pedagógicas que influenciaram e que ainda influenciam a escola brasileira. Dessa forma, podemos afirmar que a educação é fruto das interações humanas, seja no universo escolar, seja nas demandas da sociedade. Contudo, embora a legislação considere a formação da pessoa como um dos pilares educacionais, a prática escolar revela que a atuação do docente está pautada em uma política de resultados, voltada para ações racionalmente pensadas e planejadas, cujo fim é essencialmente o econômico, quando não é só esse o seu papel. Entendemos que a escola não pode se restringir às necessidades do mercado de trabalho sem dúvida alguma primordial para a sobrevivência do homem. Ela deve alçar outros vôos também em direção ao belo, ao estético, ao ético e ao político.