947 resultados para regional security complex


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The political, military and economic parameters of German power influence the vision of the international order that Berlin favours. Politically, Germany is a regional power in the EU with considerable diplomatic potential. Economically, it is the world's third largest power with growing global trade and investment links. At the same time, Germany's military potential is limited and the German strategic culture makes the country sceptical about the use of military instruments. Berlin is thus essentially interested in maintaining peace and stability, both in Europe and globally, and in developing diplomatic mechanisms to manage regional and global crises and conflicts. The German preference for dialogue and compromise in conflict situations in the regional and global dimensions may increasingly pose a risk to maintaining the cohesion and credibility of NATO – both from the perspective of the USA and Germany’s allies from Central-Eastern and Northern Europe.

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Summary. The crisis in Mali has brought the Sahel to the centre of international attention. This fragile region not only suffers from longstanding development challenges, but also from an acute security vacuum that has triggered military intervention. Many questions have arisen as a consequence of the crisis. Has the European Union the ability to cope with such a complex and dynamically evolving security environment? How have divergent views on the political roadmap to be adopted, and the lack of resources at the African level, impacted the crisis response? Can the different players involved agree on what are the most pertinent needs and challenges to be addressed? Are they ready for long-term engagement? Can regional organisations effectively collaborate and are they able to successfully integrate different agendas? Following a conference organised by the Institute for European Studies, the Egmont Institute and the Observatoire de l’Afrique on these questions this Policy Brief builds on the findings of the conference and provides an analytical overview of the regional crisis by focusing on the main challenges facing the Sahel, the local and regional dynamics at play and the military and security response.

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The EU and ASEAN are often compared and seen as relatively successful regional organisations in their respective regions. Yet of late, both regional organisations are under intense scrutiny as they confront challenges posed by the financial crisis and rising geopolitical tensions. Their inability to respond effectively to these challenges has brought about a chorus of criticisms. Noting the current tensions face by both the EU and ASEAN in their respective regions, one could not help but wonder how and if they would be able to deal with the increasing complex security landscape because of a weakened US, and the rise of the rest. This article will compare and contrast the approaches taken by the EU and ASEAN thus far in trying to build peace and prosperity, and how they manage the demands of power politics to distill some lessons on what they can learn from each other in order to navigate an increasingly paradoxical world of economic interdependence but political fragmentation.

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Introduction. This chapter takes a closer look at the European Union (EU), China, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s respective approaches to dealing with non-traditional security (NTS) challenges by investigating their policies toward Burma/Myanmar—a source country of numerous such challenges. It argues that, although all, as members of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), see the need for multilateral solutions to fight organized crime, provide disaster relief, combat terrorism, prevent drug trafficking, etc., they differ with respect to the steps to be taken to protect human security in Asia-Pacific. China, initially hesitant to join the ARF for fear that other members might try to contain it, has come to value the principal forum for NTS challenges in the Asia-Pacific region since, like many ASEAN countries, it is a big proponent of non-interventionism, non-use of force, consensus decision-making, that is, the confidence-building mechanisms commonly referred to as the ‘ASEAN way’.2 The EU, as a strong proponent of human rights and the rule of law, repeatedly, has criticized ARF members for allowing sovereignty-related norms to get in the way of the protection of human rights, but it has refrained from assuming the role of norm exporter. As will be seen in the case of Burma/Myanmar, the EU does make its opinions heard and, when necessary, will take unilateral steps not supported by the ASEAN members of the ARF but, cognizant of the history of the region, for the most part, settles for supporting economic development and aiding in capacity-building, understanding that it would be counter-productive to exert pressure on reluctant ARF members to modify the non-interference norm. The chapter then speculates about the ‘ASEAN way’s’ longevity, arguing that, increasingly, there are internal and external dynamics that seem to indicate that the ‘ASEAN way,’ at least in its current form, may not be here to stay. The conclusion looks at what might be in store for Burma/Myanmar in the years to come.

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The March 2016 EU Summit was yet another attempt to make progress on managing the EU’s migration/refugee crisis. In this post-summit analysis, Janis A. Emmanouilidis argues that the EU-Turkey deal, which foresees a return of migrants from Greece to Turkey and a direct resettlement of Syrians from Turkey to the EU on the grounds of a ‘1-for-1’ scheme, is a key and necessary element in a very complex puzzle trying to stop ‘irregular routes’ of migration. The ultimate success of this agreement is by no means certain, but it has the chance to reduce the number of people arriving at the shores of Europe. However, this would neither settle the crisis nor will it provide an adequate response to those in need of international protection. The ‘humanitarian imperative’ requires that the EU-Turkey deal is complemented by a much more ambitious direct resettlement scheme and other long-term measures as part of a comprehensive plan aiming to balance ‘solidarity and security’ in an effort to sustainably overcome the crisis.

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La Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas marca un hito en los derechos humanos de las mujeres, la paz y la seguridad al constituir el primer instrumento de dicho Consejo que exige a las partes en conflicto que los derechos de las mujeres sean respetados. La resolución reconoce el impacto diferenciado y desproporcionado que los conflictos armados y situaciones de inseguridad tienen sobre las mujeres, especialmente la violencia de género, subrayando la importancia de la contribución de las mujeres en los procesos de resolución y prevención de conflictos, así como en la consecución de la paz y el desarrollo sostenible en contextos democráticos. Este programa de formación promueve un mayor conocimiento de la Resolución 1325 y otras resoluciones conexas en América Latina y el Caribe, de modo que la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en la paz y la seguridad sea un compromiso y una tarea crecientemente asumida por los gobiernos de la región. El objetivo es capacitar a personas de diferentes sectores: público, academia y sociedad civil, a la vez que promover el diálogo y el fortalecimiento de capacidades para el trabajo intersectorial que requieren las políticas para la igualdad. La metodología y el contenido del programa, que se estructura en módulos temáticos, fueron desarrollados en la División de Asuntos de Género de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), con apoyo del UNFPA, y responden a la realidad y las necesidades específicas de formación en esta materia que tiene América Latina.

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This article advances the discussion of the contentious question of links between global inequalities of power and violent responses, focussing on globalisation and non-inclusive forms of governance. Drawing on international political economy, the article criticises the nationstate-centrism in much political discourse, suggesting that both authority and security need to be reconsidered - to account for less plausible national borders and controls. It suggests that human security (including issues of development and equality) ought to replace national security as the primary focus of public policy. It draws attention to the intractability of difference, insisting that the terrorism of 2001 has complex transnational antecedents. Realist approaches to international order have become part of a problem to be overcome through further intellectual debate.

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ELA-ICP-MS U-Pb zircon geochronology has been used to show that the porphyritic intrusions related to the formation of the Bajo de la Alumbrera porphyry Cu-Au deposit, NW Argentina, are cogenetic with stratigraphically well-constrained volcanic and volcaniclastic rocks of the Late Miocene Farallon Negro Volcanic Complex. Zircon geochronology for intrusions in this deposit and the host volcanic sequence show that multiple mineralized porphyries were emplaced in a volcanic complex that developed over 1.5 million years. Volcanism occurred in a multivent volcanic complex in a siliciclastic intermontane basin. The complex evolved from early mafic-intermediate effusive phases to a later silicic explosive phase associated with mafic intrusions. Zircons from the basal mafic-intermediate lavas have ages that range from 8.46 +/- 0.14 to 7.94 +/- 0.27 Ma. Regionally extensive silicic explosive volcanism occurred at similar to8.0 Ma (8.05 +/- 0.13 and 7.96 +/- 0.11 Ma), which is co-temporal with intrusion of the earliest mineralized porphyries at Bajo de la Alumbrera (8.02 +/- 0.14 and 7.98 +/- 0.14 Ma). Regional uplift and erosion followed during which the magmatic-hydrothermal system was probably unroofed. Shortly thereafter, dacitic lava domes were extruded (7.95 +/- 0.17 Ma) and rhyolitic diatremes (7.79 +/- 0.13 Ma) deposited thick tuff blankets, across the region. Emplacement of large intermediate composition stocks occurred at 7.37 +/- 0.22 Ma, shortly before renewed magmatism occurred at Bajo de la Alumbrera (7.10 +/- 0.07 Ma). The latest porphyry intrusive event is temporally associated with new ore-bearing magmatic-hydrothermal fluids. Other dacitic intrusions are associated with subeconomic deposits that formed synchronously with the mineralized porphyries at Bajo de la Alumbrera. However, their emplacement continued (from 7.10 +/- 0.06 to 6.93 +/- 0.07 Ma) after the final intrusion at Bajo de al Alumbrera. Regional volcanism had ceased by 6.8 Ma (6.92 +/- 0.07 Ma). The brief history of the volcanic complex hosting the Bajo de la Alumbrera Cu-Au deposit differs from that of other Andean provinces hosting porphyry deposits. For example, at the El Salvador porphyry copper district in Chile, magmatism related to Cu mineralization was episodic in regional igneous activity that occurred over tens of millions of years. Bajo de la Alumbrera resulted from the superposition of multiple porphyry-related hydrothermal systems, temporally separated by a million years. It appears that the metal budget in porphyry ore deposits is not simply a function of their longevity and/or the superposition of multiple porphyry systems. Nor is it a function of the duration of the associated cycle of magmatism. Instead, the timing of processes operating in the parental magma body is the controlling factor in the formation of a fertile porphyry-related ore system.

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Despite global trends towards military reform characterized by processes of professionalization and democratization, militaries in Southeast Asia have continued to play prominent roles in domestic politics since 11 September. This suggests that wider patterns of global military reform have not had as great an impact on the control, capacity and cooperative functions of armed forces in Southeast Asia as they may have elsewhere. In order to explore why the security sector reform agenda has had so little impact in the region, we investigate recent patterns of civil-military relations in Southeast Asia by focusing on the experiences of four of the region's militaries: Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia. We argue that the security sector reform agenda is informed by a predominantly North American approach to civil-military relations based on a number of core assumptions that do not reflect Southeast Asian experiences. Hence, we ask whether the reform agenda itself could be modified to better suit the Southeast Asian context. We suggest that although the regional military sector has not reformed along a 'Western' path it is nonetheless possible to see other types of, and potential for, reform.

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The Jiaodong gold province, the largest gold-producing district in China, is located in the jiaodong peninsula at the eastern margin of the North China craton and bounded by the continental scale Tan-Lu fault, 40 kin to the west. Previous geochronological studies suggest that pervasive gold deposition took place in the western part of the province between 122 and 119 Ma. Here we report high-quality Ar-40/Ar-39 ages of the Pengjiakuang and Rushan deposits from the eastern part of the jiaodong gold province, placing additional chronological constraints on the timing of regional mineralization. Seven sericite grains extracted from auriferous alteration assemblages at the Pengiiakuang deposit yielded well-defined plateau ages between 120.9 +/- 0.4 and 119.1 +/- 0.2 Ma (2 sigma). Three separates of igneous biotite from a sample of the Queshan gneissic granite, adjacent to the Pengjiakuang deposit, gave reproducible plateau ages of 124.6 +/- 0.6 to 123.9 +/- 0.4 Ma (2 sigma). Six sericite separates front two samples in the Rushan deposit yielded Ar-40/Ar-39 plateau ages at 109.3 +/- 0.3 to 107.7 +/- 0.5 Ma (2 sigma), whereas biotite from the Kunyushan monzogranite that hosts the Rushan deposit had plateau ages ranging from 129.0 +/- 0.6 to 126.9 +/- 0.6 Ma (3 separates front one sample). The apparent age gap between hydrothermal sericite and magmtic biotite from both deposits, together with the similar argon closure temperatures for these mica minerals, suggest that gold mineralization had no direct relationship to the granitoid magmatism. Instead, gold deposition coincided with the emplacement of mafic to intermediate dikes widespread in the jiaodong gold province, which have been dated at ca. 122 to 119 Ma and, less commonly, at 110 to 102 Ma. The new Ar-40/Ar-39 ages from the eastern jiaodong peninsula, when combined with published data from the western part suggest that gold mineralization was broadly contemporaneous throughout the district. The Early Cretaceous gold mineralization also is widely developed in four other major gold districts along the Tan-Lu fault. The temporal and spatial correlation of these gold deposits with mafic to intermediate dikes commonly found in most mineralized areas, the presence of well-documented metamorphic core complexes and half-graben basins along the Tan-Lu fault, and voluminous basalts therein, suggest that the Early Cretaceous was an important period of lithospheric extension, possibly caused by the late Mesozoic lithospheric thinning beneath the eastern block of the North China craton. Lithospheric thinning and extension could have resulted in abnormally high heat and fluid fluxes necessary for large-scaled gold mineralization.

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Despite reports that adopted persons are destined for poor psychological and relational adjustment, this conclusion remains controversial. Previous research on this topic has been inconclusive, and has failed to provide a complex assessment of the predictors of adjustment. For instance, whether attachment security plays a key role in later relationship outcomes remains unresolved. This paper presents the results of a longitudinal study of adults who were adopted as infants, and a comparison sample of adults who grew up with both biological parents. Two research questions were addressed: differences in attachment security between the two samples, and the predictive relations between initial attachment scales and relationship variables (e.g., risk in intimacy, loneliness) assessed at follow-up. Attachment profiles at Time 1 indicated less security in the adopted sample than the comparison sample, and these differences were maintained at follow-up. However, adoptees who had not searched for birth relatives did not differ from the comparison sample. Although sample (adopted / comparison) was an important predictor of some relationship variables, it became less influential when attachment measures were included. Discussion focused on the complex factors that influence attachment security, and the need for in-depth study of the relational experiences of adopted people.

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Grid computing is an emerging technology for providing the high performance computing capability and collaboration mechanism for solving the collaborated and complex problems while using the existing resources. In this paper, a grid computing based framework is proposed for the probabilistic based power system reliability and security analysis. The suggested name of this computing grid is Reliability and Security Grid (RSA-Grid). Then the architecture of this grid is presented. A prototype system has been built for further development of grid-based services for power systems reliability and security assessment based on probabilistic techniques, which require high performance computing and large amount of memory. Preliminary results based on prototype of this grid show that RSA-Grid can provide the comprehensive assessment results for real power systems efficiently and economically.

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This thesis examines the external activities of the European Union conducted in the wider Europe against the backdrop of eastern enlargement. It focuses on the technical aspects of EU diplomacy, using qualitative research methodology to study the programmes and initiatives launched since the year 2000 in the countries lying along the Union’s new border to the east. Drawing on evidence from Ukraine, it hypothesises that the EU is an agent of transformation in the eastern neighbourhood and that this transformation has important implications for the regional order in the post-Soviet space. The thesis constitutes an investigation into the transformational activities engaged by the EU in Ukraine conducted with an eye to their strategic implications. It documents and analyses three instances of EU intervention in Ukraine’s internal processes that relate to management of cross-border traffic in the Ukrainian-Russian borderland, restructuring of the country’s energy sector, and conduct of its contentious presidential election in 2004. It is argued that while these interventions have explicitly sought to advance the Union’s security with respect to certain twenty-first century transnational threats, they have at the same time served to confer important strategic advantages on the EU that include giving the bloc greater knowledge and control over developments in Ukraine and that contribute to the dismantling of infrastructural, institutional and other ties between Kiev and the other Soviet successor states, notably Russia. The effect of the European Union’s actions in the region, whether intended or not, has thus been to undermine any competing regional initiatives that cut across its own functions, and thereby to assert itself as the primary integration project in Europe. By showing how technical interventions in the politics, economics and administration of Ukraine can yield important geopolitical dividends, this thesis demonstrates that, in the context of EU external relations, high and low politics are interlinked.

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This paper asks to question. First, what types of linkages make firms in the service sector innovate? And second, what is the link between innovation and the firms’ productivity and export performance? Using survey data from Northern Ireland we find that links intra-regional links (i.e. within Northern Ireland) to customers, suppliers and universities have little effect on innovation, but external links (i.e. outside Northern Ireland) help to boost innovation. Relationships between innovation, exporting and productivity prove complex but suggest that innovation itself is not sufficient to generate productivity improvements. Only when innovation is combined with increased export activity are productivity gains produced. This suggests that regional innovation policy should be oriented towards helping firms to innovate only where it helps firms to enter export markets or to expand their existing export market presence.