The Impact of the Electoral System on Political Campaigning : Are Candidates for the Council of States More Moderate than their Fellow Candidates for the National Council ?

It is commonly believed that majority voting enhances parties to cluster around the centre of the political space, whereas proportional systems (PR) foster great ideological divergence. The theoretical arguments for these expectations go back to the work of Downs (1957) and Duverger (1954). More recent studies, however, produced quite contradictory empirical findings. In this paper I will test whether similar arguments hold true for the positioning of candidates campaigning in different electoral systems. The elections for the two chambers of the Swiss Parliament and the data from the Swiss Electoral Studies (SELECTS) and the Swiss Voting Advice Application (VAA) smartvote offer an excellent - almost laboratory like - opportunity to do so empirically. The analyses show clearly, the theoretical claims that majority voting necessarily fosters more moderate positions find no support. The candidates for the Council of States, elected in a majority system, are not more moderate than their fellow party candidates for the National Council which are elected in a PR system.

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Uncertainty, electoral Incentives and political myopia

In this paper, we study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build a framework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectly observable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies with future returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, under some conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewards can be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limit to governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised facts and with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better ...scal discipline in a panel of 20 OECD countries.

The Relationship between Media and Political Agendas : Variations across Decision-Making Phases

Previous studies have demonstrated that the extent to which media coverage influences the issue priorities of policy makers is contingent on the type of issue, media, and political agenda. This article contends that the relationship between media and political agendas varies across the phases of the decision-making process. Based on a comprehensive dataset on issue attention in media coverage and various policy-making channels covering the years 1996-2003, the article analyses the level of media coverage and, more importantly, the distribution and correspondence of issue attention between media and political agendas across the four successive phases of the decision-making process (initiation, preparatory, parliamentary, and referendum phases) in Switzerland. Despite inversely distributed levels of attention for successive decision-making phases, both media and political agendas are concentrated on fewer issues in the initiation and referendum phases, and they are more strongly correlated in the most decisive stages of the process, that is, the preparatory and referendum phases.

Social media and political change: The case of the 2011 revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt

Throughout the past decade, social media have come on the scene of various popular revolts. Their role as tools of information and coordination of social movements, from the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 to the Arab uprisings in 2011, has been widely debated. In most cases, online activism through blogs, Facebook, Twitter or other forms of social media has allowed citizens to be part of a social networking exercise and to engage in a public sphere that would have otherwise been unreachable to them due to severe repression. In Tunisia and Egypt, social media helped protests start and expand thanks to their ability to coordinate and disseminate information quickly. The new information and communication tools were an influential factor in accelerating the revolutionary processes across the Arab world, albeit they cannot be seen as neither the spur nor the drivers of any revolution.

Political Humor as a confrontational tool against the Syrian regime: A study case: Syria, 15th March 2011 – 15th May 2012

The aim of this working paper is to analyze the inclusion of political humor into the set of actions used by opponents to the Syrian regime during the first year of a state-wide uprising in 2011. The research argues that although political humor has traditionally been seen mainly as a concealed voice against dominant elites, it can nevertheless take a confrontational stance and challenge a regime. In this paper we assess the role of political humor in challenging the legitimacy of the Syrian State through the battle for the signification of events. We will work with a theoretical framework that draws its assumptions from social movements’ studies and cultural studies. Through the assessment of the importance of discourse and the role of ideological domination to a regime we will see how the first year of the Syrian uprising included widespread acts of political humor as part of the strategy against the regime.

Social Policy Preferences and Party Choice in the 2011 Swiss Elections

To what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity-based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic-distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post-industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties.

Stockholder conflicts and dividends

Conflicts of interest between majority and minority stockholders affect a large proportion of firms in any economy, but has received little attention in the empirical literature. We examine the link between the potential for such conflicts and the firm's payout policy on a large sample of Norwegian private firms with controlling stockholders and detailed ownership data. Our evidence shows that the stronger the potential conflict between the stockholders, the higher the proportion of earnings paid out as dividends. This tendency to reduce stockholder conflicts by dividend payout is more pronounced when the minority is diffuse and when a family's majority block is held by a single family member. We also find evidence that a minority-friendly payout policy is associated with higher future minority investment in the firm. These results are consistent with the notion that potential agency costs of ownership are mitigated by dividend policy when the majority stockholder benefits from not exploiting the minority.

How Answers on Political Attitudes are Shaped by Interviewers: Evidence from a Panel Survey

We analyze whether the interviewers' political opinions have an influence on those of the respondents. The research uses data from a panel survey in which interviewers are randomly assigned to respondents. The results show that the respondents express significantly similar opinions to those of the interviewers in all questions considered. Multilevel models show that more educated respondents are affected to a slightly higher extent and that the interviewer's experience is also a factor. There is no difference between different respondent subgroups or when both interviewers and respondents share the same socio-demographic characteristics. While there is no evidence for respondents wanting to please the interviewers, the hypothesis of socially desirable behavior can indeed be confirmed.

Impact of social structure variation on population genetics, social conflicts and life histories in ants

Summary The evolution of social structures and breeding systems in animals is a complex process that combines ecological, genetical and social factors. This thesis sheds light on important changes in population genetics, life-history and social behavior that are associated with variation in social structure in ants. The socially polymorphic ant Formica selysi was chosen as the model organism because single- and multiple-queen colonies occur in close proximity within a single large population. The shift from single- to multiple-queen colonies is generally associated with profound changes in dispersal behavior and mode of colony founding. In chapter 1, we examine the genetic consequences of variation in social structure at both the colony and population levels. A detailed microsatellite analysis reveals that both colony types have similar mating systems, with few or no queen turnover. Furthermore, the complete lack of genetic differentiation observed between single- and multiple-queen colonies provides no support to the hypothesis that change in queen number leads to restricted gene flow between social forms. Besides changes in the genetic composition of the colony, the variation in the number of queens per colony is associated with changes in a network of behavioral and life-history traits that have been described as forming a "polygyny syndrome". In chapter 2, we demonstrate that multiple-queen colonies profoundly differ from single-queen ones in terms of size, nest density and lifespan of colonies, in weight of queens produced, as well as in allocation to reproductive individuals relative to workers. These multifaceted changes in life-history traits can provide various fitness benefits to members of multiple-queen colonies. Increasing the number of queens in a colony usually results in a decreased level of aggression towards non-nestmates. The phenotype matching hypothesis predicts that, compared to single-queen colonies, multiple-queen colonies have more diverse genetically-derived cues used for recognition, resulting in a lower ability to discriminate non-nestmates. In sharp contrast to this hypothesis, we show in chapter 3 that single- and multiple-queen colonies exhibit on average similar levels of aggression. Moreover, stronger aggression is recorded between colonies of different social structure than between colonies of the same social structure. Several hypotheses propose that the evolution of multiple-queen colonies is at least partly due to benefits resulting from an increase in colony genetic diversity. The task-efficiency hypothesis holds that genetic variation improves task performance due to a more complete or more sensitive expression of the genetically-based division of labor. In .chapter 4, we evaluate if higher colony genetic diversity increases worker size polymorphism and thus may improve division of labor. We show that despite the fact that worker size has a heritable component, higher levels of genetic diversity do not result in more polymorphic workers. The smaller size and lower polymorphism levels of workers of multiple-queen colonies compared to single-queen ones further indicate that an increase in colony genetic diversity does not increase worker size polymorphism but might improve colony homeostasis. In chapter 5, we provide clear evidence for an ongoing conflict between queens and workers on sex allocation, as predicted by kin selection theory. Our data show that queens of F. selysi strongly influence colony sex allocation by biasing the sex ratio of their eggs. However, there is also evidence that workers eliminated some male brood, resulting in a population sex-investment ratio that is between the queens' and workers' equilibria. Résumé L'évolution des structures sociales et systèmes d'accouplement chez les animaux est un processus complexe combinant à la fois des facteurs écologiques, génétiques et sociaux. Cette thèse met en lumière des changements importants dans la génétique des populations, les traits d'histoire de vie et les comportements sociaux qui sont associés à des variations de structure sociale chez les fourmis. Durant ce travail, nous avons étudié une population de Formica selysi composée à la fois de colonies à une reine et de colonies à plusieurs reines. La transition de colonie à une reine à colonie à plusieurs reines est généralement associée à des changements profonds dans le comportement de dispersion ainsi que le mode de fondation des sociétés. Dans le chapitre 1, nous examinons les conséquences génétiques de la variation de structure sociale tant au niveau de la colonie qu'au niveau de la population. Une analyse détaillée à l'aide de marqueurs microsatellites nous révèle que les deux types de colonies ont des systèmes d'accouplements similaires avec peu ou pas de renouvellement de reines. L'absence totale de différenciation génétique entre les colonies à une et à plusieurs reines n'apporte aucun support à l'hypothèse selon laquelle un changement dans le nombre de reines conduit à un flux de gènes restreint entre les deux formes sociales. A côté de changements dans la composition génétique de la colonie, la variation du nombre de reines dans une colonie est associée à une multitude de changements comportementaux et de traits d'histoire de vie qui ont été décrits comme formant un "syndrome polygyne". Dans le chapitre 2, nous démontrons que les colonies à plusieurs reines diffèrent profondément des colonies à une reine en terme de taille, densité de nids, longévité des colonies, poids des nouvelles reines produites ainsi que dans l'allocation entre les individus reproducteurs et les ouvrières. Ces changements multiples dans les traits d'histoire de vie peuvent apporter des bénéfices variés en terme de fitness aux colonies à plusieurs reines. L'augmentation du nombre de reines dans une colonie est généralement associée à une baisse du degré d'agressivité envers les fourmis étrangères au nid. L'hypothèse "phénotype matching" prédit que les colonies à plusieurs reines ont une plus grande diversité dans les facteurs d'origine génétique utilisés pour la reconnaissance, résultant en une capacité diminuée à discriminer une fourmi étrangère au nid. Contrairement à cette hypothèse, nous montrons dans le chapitre 3 que les colonies à une et à plusieurs reines ont des niveaux d'agressivité similaires. De plus, une agressivité accrue est observée entre colonies de structures sociales différentes comparée à des colonies de même structure sociale. Plusieurs hypothèses ont proposé que l'évolution de colonies ä plusieurs reines soit en partie due aux bénéfices résultant d'une augmentation de la diversité génétique dans la colonie. L'hypothèse "task efficiency" prédit que la diversité génétique améliore l'efficacité à effectuer certaines tâches grâce à une expression plus complète et plus souple d'une division du travail génétiquement déterminée. Nous évaluons dans le chapitre 4 si un accroissement de la diversité génétique augmente le polymorphisme de taille des ouvrières, d'où peut ainsi découler une meilleure division du travail. Nous montrons qu'en dépit du fait que la taille des ouvrières soit un caractère héritable, une forte diversité génétique ne se traduit pas par un plus fort polymorphisme chez les ouvrières. Les ouvrières de colonies à plusieurs reines sont plus petites et moins polymorphes que celles des colonies à une seule reine. Dans le chapitre 5, nous démontrons l'existence d'un conflit ouvert entre reines et ouvrières à propos de l'allocation dans les sexes, comme le prédit la théorie de la sélection de parentèle. Nos données révèlent que les reines de F. selysi influencent fortement l'allocation dans les sexes en biaisant la sexe ratio des oeufs. Cependant, certains indices indiquent que les ouvrières éliminent une partie du couvain mâle, ce qui a pour effet d'avoir un investissement dans les sexes au niveau de la population intermédiaire entre les intérêts des reines et des ouvrières.

Transitions in partnership and parental status, gender, and political and civic participation

Participation research has documented the effect of partner and parenthood status, thereby ignoring the dynamic aspect of status changes. Based on theoretical insights on changes in political resources and interest, this study looks at partnership and parenthood as dynamic characteristics. Using data from the Swiss Household Panel (SHP), it examines to what extent important life-cycle transitions in partnership and parental status influence various forms of political and civic participation and whether they affect men and women's participation differently. Our regression analyses reveal that particularly the entry into separation or divorce is a main key point driving change in political and civic participation. Its effect is also highly gendered. Following separation, women participate less in voting, whereas men's participation rates are not affected in a negative way. Separation even increases men's level of anticipated activism. Children entering or leaving the household do not seem to represent key points of change in political and civic participation of the couple. Yet, the transition to having school-aged children significantly increases some types of participation, at least for women.