805 resultados para Yoruba, ethnicity, nationalist movement, ethnic politics, Oduduwa, cultural pride, Nigeria.
Resumo:
The research assesses the skills of upper comprehensive school pupils in history. The focus is on locating personal motives, assessing wider reasons hidden in historical sources and evaluating source reliability. The research also questions how a wide use of multiple sources affects pupils’ holistic understanding of historical phenomena. The participants were a multicultural group of pupils. The origins of their cultures can be traced to the Balkan, the Middle East, Asia and Europe. The number of native Finnish speakers and pupils speaking Finnish as their second language was almost equal. The multicultural composition provides opportunities to assess how culturally responsive learning history from sources is. The intercultural approach to learning in a multicultural setting emphasizes equality as a precondition for learning. In order to set assignments at least to some extent match with all participants only those answers were taken into account which were produced by pupils who had studied history for a similar period of time in the Finnish comprehensive school system. Due to the small number of participants (41), the study avoids wide generalizations. Nevertheless, possible cultural blueprints in pupils’ way of thinking are noted. The first test examined the skills of pupils to find motives for emigration. The results showed that for 7th graders finding reasons is not a problematic task. However, the number of reasons noticed and justifications varied. In addition, the way the pupils explained their choices was a distinguishing factor. Some pupils interpreted source material making use of previous knowledge on the issue, while other pupils based their analysis solely on the text handed and did not try to add their own knowledge. Answers were divided into three categories: historical, explanatory and stating. Historical answers combined smoothly previously learned historical knowledge to one’s own source analysis; explanatory answers often ignored a wider frame, although they were effective when explaining e.g. historical concepts. The stating answers only noticed motives from the sources and made no attempts to explain them historically. Was the first test culturally responsive? All pupils representing different cultures tackled the first source exam successfully, but there were some signs of how historical concepts are understood in a slightly different way if the pupil’s personal history has no linkage to the concepts under scrutiny. The second test focused on the history of Native Americans. The test first required pupils to recognize whether short source extracts (5) were written by Indians or Caucasians. Based on what they had already learned from North American history, the pupils did not find it hard to distinguish between the sources. The analysis of multiphase causes and consequences of the disputes between Native Americans and white Americans caused dispersion among pupils. Using two historical sources and combining historical knowledge from both of them simultaneously was cumbersome for many. The explanations of consequences can be divided into two groups: the ones emphasizing short term consequences and those placing emphasis on long term consequences. The short term approach was mainly followed by boys in every group. The girls mainly paid attention to long term consequences. The result suggests that historical knowledge in sources is at least to some extent read through role and gender lenses. The third test required pupils to explain in their own words how the three sources given differed in their account of living conditions in Nazi Germany, which turned out to be demanding for many pupils. The pupils’ stronghold was rather the assessment of source reliability and accounts why the sources approached the same events differently. All participants wrote critical and justified comments on reliability and aspects that might have affected the content of the sources. The pupils felt that the main reasons that affected source reliability were the authors’ ethnic background, nationality and profession. The assessment showed that pupils were well aware that position in a historical situation has an impact on historical accounts, but in certain cases the victim’s account was seen as a historical truth. The account of events by a historian was chosen most often as the most reliable source, but it was often justified leniently with an indication to professionalism rather than with clear ideas of how historians conduct accounts based on sources. In brief, the last source test demonstrates that pupils have a strong idea that the ethnicity or nationalism determines how people explained events of the past. It is also an implication that pupils understand how historical knowledge is interpretative. The results also imply that history can be analyzed from a neutral perspective. One’s own membership in an ethnical or religious group does not automatically mean that a person’s cultural identity excludes historical explanations if something in them contradicts with his or her identity. The second method of extracting knowledge of pupils’ historical thinking was an essay analysis. The analysis shows that an analytical account of complicated political issues, which often include a great number of complicated political concepts, leads more likely to an inconsistent structure in the written work of pupils. The material also demonstrates that pupils have a strong tendency to take a critical stance when assessing history. Historical empathy in particular is shown if history somehow has a linkage to young people, children or minorities. Some topics can also awake strong feelings, especially among pupils with emigrant background, if there is a linkage between one’s own personal history and that of the school; and occasionally a student’s historical experience or thoughts replaced school history. Using sources during history lessons at school seems to have many advantages. It enhances the reasoning skills of pupils and their skills to assess the nature of historical knowledge. Thus one of the main aims and a great benefit of source work is to encourage pupils to express their own ideas and opinions. To conclude, when assessing the skills of adolescents in history - their work with sources, comments on history, historical knowledge and finally their historical thinking - one should be cautious and avoid cut off score evaluations. One purpose of pursuing history with sources is to encourage pupils to think independently, which is a useful tool for further identity construction. The idea that pupils have the right to conduct their own interpretations of history can be partially understood as part of a wider learning process, justification to study history comes from extrinsic reasons. The intrinsic reason is history itself; in order to understand history one should have a basic understanding of history as a specific domain of knowledge. Using sources does not mean that knowing history is of secondary importance. Only a balance between knowing the contextual history, understanding basic key concepts and working with sources is a solid base to improve pupils’ historical understanding.
Resumo:
This study explored the ethnic identity among 331 emerging adults (144 mestizos and 187 indigenous) from the Intercultural University of Chiapas (México). Scholars suggest that ethnicity is much more salient for ethnic minority adolescents than for adolescents who are members of the ethnic majority. Our aim was to compare the results of the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) between the majority ethnic group and the minority group studied. Specifically, the following hypothesis was examined: adolescents who are members of the ethnic minority group (indigenous) will score significantly higher on ethnic identity than adolescents who are members of the ethnic majority group (mestizos). The results supported these hypothesis. We suggest that the effect of an intercultural educative model could explain these results
Resumo:
This dissertation explores the complicated relations between Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian postwar refugees and American foreign policymakers between 1948 and 1960. There were seemingly shared interests between the parties during the first decade of the Cold War. Generally, Eastern European refugees refused to recognize Soviet hegemony in their homelands, and American policy towards the Soviet bloc during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations sought to undermine the Kremlin’s standing in the region. More specifically, Baltic refugees and State Department officials sought to preserve the 1940 non-recognition policy towards the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States. I propose that despite the seemingly natural convergence of interests, the American experiment of constructing a State-Private network revolving around fostering relations with exile groups was fraught with difficulties. These difficulties ultimately undermined any ability that the United States might have had to liberate the Baltic States from the Soviet Union. As this dissertation demonstrates, Baltic exiles were primarily concerned with preserving a high level of political continuity to the interwar republics under the assumption that they would be able to regain their positions in liberated, democratic societies. American policymakers, however, were primarily concerned with maintaining the non-recognition policy, the framework in which all policy considerations were analyzed. I argue that these two motivating factors created unnecessary tensions in American policy towards the Baltic republics in the spheres of psychological warfare as well as exile unity in the United States and Europe. Despite these shortcomings, I argue that out of the exiles’ failings was born a generation of Baltic constituents that blurred the political legitimacy line between exiles who sought to return home and ethnic Americans who were loyal to the United States. These Baltic constituents played an important role in garnering the support of the United States Congress, starting in the 1950s, but became increasingly influential after the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, despite the seemingly less important role Eastern Europe played in the Cold War. The actions of the Baltic constituents not only prevented the Baltic question from being forever lost in the memory hole of history, but actually created enough political pressure on the State Department that it was impossible to alter the long-standing policy of not recognizing the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States.
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The thesis is the first comprehensive study on Finnish public painting, public artworks generally referred to as murals or monumental paintings. It focuses on the processes of production of public paintings during the post-WWII decades in Finland and the complex relationships between the political sphere and the production of art. The research studies the networks of agents involved in the production of public paintings. Besides the human agents—artists, assistants, commissioners and viewers—also public paintings were and are agents in the processes of production and in their environments. The research questions can be grouped into three overlapping series of questions: First, the research investigates the production public paintings: What kinds of public paintings were realised in postwar Finland—how, where, by whom and for what purposes? Second, it discusses the publicness of these paintings: How were public paintings defined, and what aspects characterised them as “public”? What was their relation to public space, public authorities, and audience? And third, it explores the politics of public paintings: the relationship between Finnish public painting, nationalism, and the memory of war. To answer these questions, extensive archival work has been performed, and over 200 public paintings have been documented around Finland. The research material has been studied in a sociological framework and in the context of the political and economic history of Finland, employing critical theories on public space and public art as well as theories on the building of nationalism, commemoration, memory, and forgetting. An important aim of this research was to open up a new field of study and position public painting within Finnish art history, from which it has been conspicuous by its absence. The research indicates that public painting was a significant genre of art in postwar Finland. The process of creating a national genre of public painting participated in the defining of municipal and state art politics in the country, and paintings functioned as vehicles of carrying out the agenda of the commissioning bodies. In the formation of municipal art policies in Finland in the 1950s, public painting connected to the same tendency of democratising art as the founding of public art museums. Public painting commissions also functioned as an arena of competition and a means of support for the artists. Public paintings were judged and commissioned within the realm of political decision-making, and they suggested the values of the decision-making groups, generally conveyed as the values of the society. The participation of official agents in the production allocated a position of official art to the genre. Through the material of this research, postwar public painting is seen as an agent in a society searching for a new identity. The postwar public painting production participated in the creation of the Finnish welfare society as indications of a humane society. It continued a tradition of public art production that had been built on nationalist and art educational ideologies in the late 19th and early 20th century. Postwar public paintings promoted the new national narrative of unification by creating an image of a homogeneous society with a harmonious communal life. The paintings laid out an image of Finnishness that was modern but rooted in the agrarian past, of a society that was based on hard work and provided for its members a good life. Postwar public painting was art with a mission, and it created an image of a society with a mission.
Resumo:
Congenital heart defects are the most common of all human birth defects. Numerous studies have shown that a deletion within chromosome 22q11 is associated with DiGeorge syndrome and certain forms of sporadic congenital cardiovascular disease. We have determined the value of a PCR assay using markers D22S941, D22S944 and D22S264 designed for the screening of 22q11.2 deletion through consecutive homozygosity in an ethnically admixed urban population. The study population comprised 149 unrelated men and women from three different ethnic groups (white, mulatto and black). Test specificity for the overall population was estimated at 98.3%. We found no significant difference when comparing heterozygosity indices and ethnicity (P value = 0.43 (D22S944), 0.22 (D22S264), and 0.58 (D22S941)). There was no significant difference regarding assay specificity between the three different ethnic groups studied. This assay could constitute a cost-effective way to screen a large number of patients at increased risk, since PCR techniques are easily available, are fast, can be automatized, and are significantly less expensive than fluorescence in situ hybridization.
Resumo:
The distribution of polymorphisms related to glutathione S-transferases (GST) has been described in different populations, mainly for white individuals. We evaluated the distribution of GST mu (GSTM1) and theta (GSTT1) genotypes in 594 individuals, by multiplex PCR-based methods, using amplification of the exon 7 of CYP1A1 gene as an internal control. In São Paulo, 233 whites, 87 mulattos, and 137 blacks, all healthy blood-donor volunteers, were tested. In Bahia, where black and mulatto populations are more numerous, 137 subjects were evaluated. The frequency of the GSTM1 null genotype was significantly higher among whites (55.4%) than among mulattos (41.4%; P = 0.03) and blacks (32.8%; P < 0.0001) from São Paulo, or Bahian subjects in general (35.7%; P = 0.0003). There was no statistically different distribution among any non-white groups. The distribution of GSTT1 null genotype among groups did not differ significantly. The agreement between self-reported and interviewer classification of skin color in the Bahian group was low. The interviewer classification indicated a gradient of distribution of the GSTM1 null genotype from whites (55.6%) to light mulattos (40.4%), dark mulattos (32.0%) and blacks (28.6%). However, any information about race or ethnicity should be considered with caution regarding the bias introduced by different data collection techniques, specially in countries where racial admixture is intense, and ethnic definition boundaries are loose. Because homozygous deletions of GST gene might be associated with cancer risk, a better understanding of chemical metabolizing gene distribution can contribute to risk assessment of humans exposed to environmental carcinogens.
Resumo:
Our objective was to investigate the distributions of six single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) MS4A2 E237G, MS4A2 C-109T, ADRB2 R16G, IL4RA I75V,IL4 C-590T, and IL13 C1923T in Mauritian Indian and Chinese Han children with asthma. This case-control association study enrolled 382 unrelated Mauritian Indian children, 193 with asthma and 189 healthy controls, and 384 unrelated Chinese Han children, 192 with asthma and 192 healthy controls. The SNP loci were genotyped using polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-restriction fragment length polymorphism for the Chinese Han samples and TaqMan real-time quantitative PCR for the Mauritian Indian samples. In the Mauritian Indian children, there was a significant difference in the distribution of IL13 C1923T between the asthma and control groups (P=0.033). The frequency of IL13 C1923T T/T in the Mauritian Indian asthma group was significantly higher than in the control group [odds ratio (OR)=2.119, 95% confidence interval=1.048-4.285]. The Chinese Han children with asthma had significantly higher frequencies ofMS4A2 C-109T T/T (OR=1.961, P=0.001) and ADRB2 R16G A/A (OR=2.575, P=0.000) than the control group. The IL13 C1923T locus predisposed to asthma in Mauritian Indian children, which represents an ethnic difference from the Chinese Han population. TheMS4A2 C-109T T/T and ADRB2 R16G A/Agenotypes were associated with asthma in the Chinese Han children.
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The aim of this dissertation was to examine the skills and knowledge that pre-service teachers and teachers have and need about working with multilingual and multicultural students from immigrant backgrounds. The specific goals were to identify pre-service teachers’ and practising teachers’ current knowledge and awareness of culturally and linguistically responsive teaching, identify a profile of their strengths and needs, and devise appropriate professional development support and ways to prepare teachers to become equitable culturally responsive practitioners. To investigate these issues, the dissertation reports on six original empirical studies within two groups of teachers: international pre-service teacher education students from over 25 different countries as well as pre-service and practising Finnish teachers. The international pre-service teacher sample consisted of (n = 38, study I; and n = 45, studies II-IV) and the pre-service and practising Finnish teachers sample encompassed (n = 89, study V; and n = 380, study VI). The data used were multi-source including both qualitative (students’ written work from the course including journals, final reflections, pre- and post-definition of key terms, as well as course evaluation and focus group transcripts) and quantitative (multi-item questionnaires with open-ended options), which enhanced the credibility of the findings resulting in the triangulation of data. Cluster analytic procedures, multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), and qualitative analyses mostly Constant Comparative Approach were used to understand pre-service teachers’ and practising teachers’ developing cultural understandings. The results revealed that the mainly white / mainstream teacher candidates in teacher education programmes bring limited background experiences, prior socialisation, and skills about diversity. Taking a multicultural education course where identity development was a focus, positively influenced teacher candidates’ knowledge and attitudes toward diversity. The results revealed approaches and strategies that matter most in preparing teachers for culturally responsive teaching, including but not exclusively, small group activities and discussions, critical reflection, and field immersion. This suggests that there are already some tools to address the need for the support needed to teach successfully a diversity of pupils and provide in-service training for those already practising the teaching profession. The results provide insight into aspects of teachers’ knowledge about both the linguistic and cultural needs of their students, as well as what constitutes a repertoire of approaches and strategies to assure students’ academic success. Teachers’ knowledge of diversity can be categorised into sound awareness, average awareness, and low awareness. Knowledge of diversity was important in teachers’ abilities to use students’ language and culture to enhance acquisition of academic content, work effectively with multilingual learners’ parents/guardians, learn about the cultural backgrounds of multilingual learners, link multilingual learners’ prior knowledge and experience to instruction, and modify classroom instruction for multilingual learners. These findings support the development of a competency based model and can be used to frame the studies of pre-service teachers, as well as the professional development of practising teachers in increasingly diverse contexts. The present set of studies take on new significance in the current context of increasing waves of migration to Europe in general and Finland in particular. They suggest that teacher education programmes can equip teachers with the necessary attitudes, skills, and knowledge to enable them work effectively with students from different ethnic and language backgrounds as they enter the teaching profession. The findings also help to refine the tools and approaches to measuring the competencies of teachers teaching in mainstream classrooms and candidates in preparation.
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The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.
Resumo:
This study aimed to uncover the incorporation of transformative pedagogies into the social studies curriculum. This educational approach aims to educate students about a variety of forms of oppression based on race, gender, sexuality, class, ethnicity, and culture, through the use of dialogue to uncover the students' understanding and personal experience with these concepts. This study examined the impact of discussing these topics in a grade 11 class of 22 White students (of various cultural, ethnic, and religious backgrounds). The teacher, Kelvin, and two of his students were interviewed and his class was observed on four occasions over a 2-week period. Based on the data I collected, I argue that a range of emancipatory teaching approaches should be used in critical classroom discourse. These different approaches emphasize the importance of critical thinking, the ability to recognize and combat oppression, the understanding and respect of different cultures, and the ability to recognize the impact of gender and sexuality on the past and present. These are life skills that extend beyond the curriculum (Freire, 1970; Giroux, 1988; hooks, 1994). This study fills a theory to practice gap in the research literature on transformative practice within Canadian contexts. The findings are important for several reasons. Firstly, they illustrated how the teacher's ideology and personal history affect hislher teaching and learning philosophies and approach to teaching. This has implications for the overall classroom environment, what students learn, and how teachers are trained. Secondly, this study provided a glimpse of what transformative pedagogy could look like from a pragmatic standpoint and demonstrated the complexity of using these multiple approaches in the classroom.
Resumo:
Lopez, Scribner and Mahitivanichcha (2001) discuss the limited volume of literature that directly addresses ethnic minority parents' involvement in their children's education and they call upon researchers to fill this gap in the literature. This study is one such positive step with its focus on exploring how ethnic minority parents of secondary school students in southern Ontario understand their involvement in their children's education. Participants in the study included three ethnic minority parents recruited from a local adult education centre, and my parents who, as ethnics minority parents, also faced challenges trying to support their children as we progressed through the Ontario educational system. Primary data were collected through in-depth, open-ended interviews approximately one hour in length. Each of the five participants was interviewed twice. Secondary data included Ontario Ministry of Education documents that addressed programs, policies, and supports for ethnic minority students in Ontario secondary schools. Fieldnotes and a research journal also provided secondary data. The findings highlight, among other things, the challenges the participants faced as ethnic minority parents with a deep desire to support their children's education, but often lacking the cultural capital valued in the Ontario school system to meet that goal. As well, I benefited greatly from this research learning about the various ways in which, in my future work as a teacher of ethnic minority students, I can integrate the knowledge, skills, and experiences of ethnic minorities into my practice to ensure that parents of the non-dominant culture have an opportunity to become highly involved in the education of their children.
Resumo:
In the aftermath of World War II, a wave of Dutch Reformed immigrants arrived in Ontario, many of whom joined the Christian Reformed Church. Following familiar cultural patterns, history, and their Reformed Christian faith, these immigrants settled in Ontario with remarkable institutional completeness (Breton, 1964). They quickly established independent, parent-operated Christian schools across Ontario. The primary purpose of the schools was to educate children through a comprehensive biblically based school program, yet this religious purpose often intersected with a Dutch immigrant ethnic culture. Van Dijk (2001) states that “the schools were the most important organization in maintaining the religious and ethnic identity of Calvinists” (p. 66). In this qualitative study I explore the intersection of Reformed faith and Dutch Canadian immigrant ethnic culture in Christian schools through the experiential and professional lens of eight retired principals. Employing a theoretical framework informed by Berger’s (1967) Sacred Canopy, I suggest that the intersection of faith and culture was experienced in the schools and was embodied by the schools themselves. Findings point to this intersection being located in the participants’ experience of (a) Dutchness, (b) the struggle for Christian education, (c) the ties that bound the school community together, and (d) the cloud of witnesses that founded and continues to support and encourage the Christian school community. The study offers insight into a Dutch Reformed immigrant group’s experience carving out a niche for themselves on the educational landscape in Ontario. This study also offers suggestions on how Christian schools can broaden their canopy and become more ethnically and denominationally diverse in the future.
Resumo:
Héritière de la tradition fantastique borgésienne, imprégnée d’une réalité composée de mythes précolombiens et des résidus industriels de la modernité, et développée à l’ère de la mondialisation, du post-modernisme, des jeux vidéos, du cinéma numérique et d’animation, la tendance cyberpunk latino-américaine est cultivée du Mexique jusqu’en Argentine, en passant par Cuba et d’autres pays souvent méconnus dans le monde de la science-fiction comme le Paraguay et la Bolivie. Pressenti dans les œuvres de certains écrivains canoniques comme Ricardo Piglia, Carmen Boullosa ou Edmundo Paz-Soldán, le cyberpunk se manifeste avec force dans l’écriture de jeunes artistes interdisciplinaires et de collaborateurs assidus des fanzines. Cette adaptation du sous-genre dans un continent où la référence reste encore le réel merveilleux et le réalisme magique, malgré l’apport des générations plus récentes comme celle de « McOndo » ou celle du « Crack », essaie d’élaborer une série de réponses aux questions issues de la conjoncture historique et artistique dans laquelle nous vivons : comment situer l’identité latino-américaine dans la nouvelle cartographie culturelle mondiale à travers une littérature qui cherche à se renouveler par rapport au canon littéraire et à la marginalité de son propre genre? Quelles sont les stratégies d’assimilation et de résistance qu’adoptent des jeunes auteurs latino-américains devant le cyberpunk anglo-américain littéraire et cinématographique? Peut-on parler d’un impact esthétique et philosophique du cyberpunk sur la culture latino-américaine, perçue habituellement comme une consommatrice passive de ces produits culturels et non comme une productrice? Ce travail cherche à parcourir l’ensemble de ces questions à partir d’une réflexion sur les principaux dispositifs constitutifs du cyberpunk – la dystopie et la virtualité – dans les discours (post)identitaires en Amérique Latine. Représentation presque mimétique de l’espace socioculturel et historique latino-américain à travers la violence et la répression politique, militaire, ethnique ou sexuelle, la dystopie est un moyen d’articuler certaines figures spatiales aux mythes nationaux et à la politique identitaire dans le contexte de la mondialisation. Cette dernière réalité socioculturelle, ainsi que l’idéologie esthétique que véhicule celle-ci à travers le cyberpunk, crée un conflit avec ces discours identitaires nationaux, conflit qui est accentué ou dissous par la représentation de la réalité virtuelle. La réalité virtuelle, comprise ici comme la direction que le récit prend pour défaire ou consolider la figure dystopique, mène à réfléchir également sur les enjeux de la (post)identité. Penser à une (post)identité (en gardant bien à l’esprit cette parenthèse) à travers le cyberpunk signifie poser une question sur la résistance au passé identitaire des mythes nationaux, au présent de la mondialisation culturelle, et aux discours post-humanistes qui semblent marquer le futur. À l’appui de travaux sur la dystopie et la réalité virtuelle dans le cyberpunk anglo-américain, ainsi que des études culturelles latino-américaines, je parcourrai un corpus composé des romans écrits entre 1990 et 2005. Ce corpus comprendra La Primera Calle de la Soledad (1993) de Gerardo Horacio Porcayo, Santa Clara Poltergeist (1991) de Fausto Fawcett, Ygdrasil (2005) de Jorge Baradit, et les films argentins No muera sin decirme adónde vas (1992) d’Eliseo Subiela et La sonámbula (1998) de Fernando Spiner. Dans ces oeuvres, la dystopie se configure aux possibilités narratives de la virtualité et traverse des thématiques identitaires comme les mythes sexuels et nationaux, la mémoire et le traumatisme ainsi que les projets utopiques des minorités.
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Bien que plusieurs chercheurs aient analysé l'influence de divers facteurs sur l'intensité des conflits ethniques, il a été constaté que l'identité ethnique elle-même n'a jamais été correctement examinée. Ce phénomène est essentiellement dû à ce que nous croyons être une classification inexacte des groupes ethniques. Nous proposons une nouvelle méthode de catégorisation pour les identités ethniques présentant que la religion, la langue et la race forment les distinctions les plus précises et nous les classifions alors comme les identités ethniques fondamentales. Subséquemment, une étude comparative de ces identités ethniques a été entreprise avec l'utilisation de deux bases de données différentes: l’ensemble de données Battle Deaths qui est associé avec la base de données sur les conflits armés de l’UCDP/PRIO et la base de données Minorities at Risk. Les résultats, dans leur ensemble, ont indiqué que les identités ethniques avec des attachements émotifs plus intenses mènent à une plus grande intensité de conflit. Les conflits ethniques fondamentaux ont démontré une tendance à mener à des conflits plus intenses que les conflits ethniques non-fondamentaux. De plus, la similitude parmi les groupes ethniques tend à affaiblir l'intensité des conflits. En outre, l'étude a également conclu que plus le nombre d'identités ethnique fondamentales impliquées dans un conflit est grand, plus le conflit sera intense. Cependant, les résultats ne pouvaient pas déterminer une différence conséquente parmi l’influence relative des trois identités ethniques fondamentales.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse aux effets de la conscience historique sur les négociations de l’ethnicité et la structuration des frontières intergroupes chez les enseignants d’histoire nationale au Québec. L’ambiguïté de dominance ethnique entre Francophones et Anglophones contextualise la façon dont les enseignants de ces groupes historicisent les significations du passé pour se connaître et s’orienter « ethniquement. » Selon leurs constructions des réalités intergroupes, ils peuvent promouvoir la compréhension intergroupe ou préserver une coexistence rigide. Le premier article théorise comment les capacités à historiciser le passé, ou à générer des formes de vie morales pour une orientation temporelle, soutiennent la construction de l’ethnicité. En développant un répertoire des tendances de conscience historique parallèles et égales afin de comprendre les fluctuations dans le maintien des frontières ethniques, l’article souligne l’importance de la volonté à reconnaître l’agentivité morale et historique des humains à rendre les frontières plus perméables. Le deuxième article discute d’une étude sur les attitudes intergroupes et les traitements mutuels entre des enseignants d’histoire Francophones et Anglophones. Alors que la plupart des répondants francophones sont indifférents aux réalités sociales et expériences historiques des Anglo-québécois, tous les répondants anglophones en sont conscients et enseignent celles des Franco-québécois. Cette divergence implique une dissemblance dans la manière dont les relations intergroupes passées sont historicisées. La non-reconnaissance de l’agentivité morale et historique des Anglo-québécois peut expliquer l’indifférence des répondants francophones. Le dernier article présente une étude sur la conscience historique des enseignants d’histoire francophone à l’égard des Anglo-québécois. En mettant le répertoire de conscience historique développé à l’épreuve, l’étude se concentre sur la manière dont les répondants historicisent le changement temporel dans leurs négociations de l’ethnicité et leurs structurations des frontières. Tandis que leurs opinions sur l’« histoire » et leurs historicisations des contextes différents les amènent à renforcer des différences ethnoculturelles et à ne pas reconnaître l’agentivité morale et historique de l’Autre, presque la moitié des répondants démontre une ouverture à apprendre et transmettre les réalités et expériences anglo-québécoises. La dépendance sur les visions historiques préétablies pour construire les réalités intergroupes souligne néanmoins l’exclusion de ce dernier groupe dans le développement d’une identité nationale.