993 resultados para Sociologia electoral -- TFM


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Mechanisms behind partner effects are contingent on women's individual resource endowment. While low and medium educated women most strongly profit from higher educational partner resources, i.e. from a compensatory mechanism, the resource “time” seems to particularly confine political involvement of women with both high professional status or no employment.

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In Germany's compensatory mixed electoral system, alternative electoral routes lead into parliament. We study the relationship between candidates' electoral situations across both tiers and policy representation, fully accounting for candidate, party and district preferences in a multi-actor constellation and the exact electoral incentives for candidates to represent either the party or the district. The results (2009 Bundestag election data) yield evidence of an interactive effect of closeness of the district race and list safety on candidates' positioning between their party and constituency.

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The study of strategic behaviour and the impact of institutions on elections has mainly focused on simple and conventional electoral systems: list-proportional electoral systems (PR) and the plurality vote. Less conventional systems are not on the agenda of comparative studies, even though no less than 30% of countries use unconventional electoral systems for their national parliamentary elections, such as the Single Transferable Vote, PR with majority bonuses, or mixed electoral systems. Often, they provide for unusual combinations of different institutional incentives, and hence to particular actor strategies.

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In the wake of the financial crisis, budgetary discipline has taken centre stage in politics. More than ever a country's budget mirrors the true policy preferences of the legislative majority beyond all political discourse and cheap talk. The paper sheds light on mandate fulfilment in the field of public spending and fiscal policy in general. Based on previous work on pledge fulfilment in Switzerland the paper compares publicised pre-electoral statements of MPs on public spending and the development of the public finances with their post-electoral legislative behaviour during budget debates and votes. The findings of the paper confirm the results of the aforementioned earlier studies and point to the potential of budgetary statements for future mandate fulfilment research.

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More than 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the electoral volatility in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is still remarkably high. A considerable part of the volatility derives from the votes for new political parties, since they are very often on the winning side of elections. This paper examines corruption as potential determinant of their electoral success. It argues that the effect of corruption is twofold: On the onehand, the historically-grown corruption level reduces the electoral success of new political parties due to strong clientelist structures that bind the electorate to the established parties. On the other hand, an increase of the perceived corruption above the traditional corruption level leads to a loss of trust in the political elite and therefore boosts the electoral success of new competitors. A statistical analysis of all democratic elections in CEE between 1996 and 2011 confirms these two counteracting effects.

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More than 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the electoral volatility in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is still remarkably high. A considerable part of the volatility derives from the votes for new political parties, since they are very often on the winning side of elections. This article examines corruption as a potential determinant of their electoral support. It argues that the effect of corruption is twofold: on the one hand, the historically derived corruption level reduces the electoral support for new political parties due to strong clientelist structures that bind the electorate to the established parties. On the other hand, an increase in perceived corruption above the traditional corruption level leads to a loss of trust in the political elite and therefore boosts the electoral support for new competitors. A statistical analysis of all democratic elections in CEE between 1996 and 2013 confirms these two counteracting effects.

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Reelection and self-interest are recurring themes in the study of our congressional leaders. To date, many studies have already been done on the trends between elections, party affiliation, and voting behavior in Congress. However, because a plethora of data has been collected on both elections and congressional voting, the ability to draw a connection between the two provides a very reasonable prospect. This project analyzes whether voting shifts in congressional elections have an effect on congressional voting. Will a congressman become ideologically more polarized when his electoral margins increase? Essentially, this paper assumes that all congressmen are ideologically polarized, and it is elections which serve to reel congressmen back toward the ideological middle. The election and ideological data for this study, which spans from the 56th to the 107th Congress, finds statistically significant relationships between these two variables. In fact, congressman pay attention to election returns when voting in Congress. When broken down by party, Democrats are more exhibitive of this phenomenon, which suggest that Democrats may be more likely to intrinsically follow the popular model of representation. Meanwhile, it can be hypothesized that insignificant results for Republicans indicate that Republicans may follow a trustee model of representation.

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Fil: Bistué de García, Susana . Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales

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Fil: Repetto, Julio C..

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A proposta de apresentaçaoaponta para algumas anotaçoes sobre uma sociologia crítica da educaçao a partir do pensamento de Theodor W. Adorno. Desse modo, discutem-se aqui os limites da cultura na sociedade capitalista, sendo o episódio de Auschwitz a grande metáfora da própria cultura absorvida pela lógica de dominaçao. Para Adorno Auschwitz é o símbolo da consciência coisificada, transfigurada também no símbolo da modernidade e da civilizaçao. Auschwitz é a "barbárie sofisticada" ou civilizaçao que expoe sua barbárie, eis o paradoxo. O olhar de Adorno está voltado para a situaçao humana após esta catástrofe que nos direciona a uma crítica à civilizaçao. Sua afinidade com esse episódio, criado sob a mao humana, nasce a partir de uma exigência de ler a contrapelo a própria cultura.Nesse sentido pretende-sediscutir a condiçao da educaçao nos dias atuais, a partir de uma concepçao sociológica crítica, bem como seus desdobramentos. A questao que se coloca é: como compreender uma sociologia crítica da educaçao e as condiçoes de efetivá-la na perspectiva de se evitar Auschwitz no âmbito da sociedade contemporânea?

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O presente trabalho destaca as políticas educacionais vinculadas à Educaçao Básica no país, mais especificamente aquelas direcionadas ao Ensino Médio e à situaçao da Sociologia nessa modalidade de ensino nas últimas décadas. A partir do aparato legal, verificou-se as políticas educacionais direcionadas ao Ensino Médio e os caminhos e objetivos percorridos pela legislaçao em suas diferentes nuances e períodos. Para isso,evidenciamos a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educaçao Nacional no. 9.394/96 e as posteriores medidas tomadas pelos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Num segundo momento, a partir das políticas dimensionadas para o Ensino Médio, abordamosa documentaçao legal que vincula a Sociologia enquanto disciplina a educaçao básica. Partindo do aparato educacional legal lançamos luz sobre a realidade escolar e o papel destinado à Sociologia no Ensino Médio, bem como seus desafios

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Fil: Bonaparte, Adrián. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

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Históricamente la Argentina ha sido caracterizada como un país de recepción de migrantes de todo el mundo. No obstante, en las últimas décadas, los cambios políticos y económicos en el interior del país y las facilidades para la movilidad internacional, han hecho de la emigración una alternativa cierta en búsqueda del mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida y desarrollo profesional para la población argentina. En dicho marco, el presente trabajo aborda la problemática de la ciudadanía transnacional, centrándose en la participación electoral de los argentinos residiendo en el exterior y prestando especial atención a los factores que la dificultan. Los principales ejes de análisis son: a- el estudio de los datos cuantitativos referidos a la participación electoral, b- el posicionamiento de las instituciones del Estado encargadas de ejecutar el voto en el exterior y la clase política, respecto al tema y c- el papel desempeñado por las asociaciones de argentinos residentes en el exterior