A nova política de habitação de interesse social no Pará (2007-2010): avanços e limites

A presente dissertação realiza um reflexão acerca dos avanços e limites da nova Política de Habitação de Interesse Social no Pará, no período de 2007 a 2010, identificando os principais obstáculos que se apresentam para sua implementação neste Estado, considerando especificamente a atuação dos diversos níveis do Poder Público. Entende-se que a instituição do Sistema Nacional da Habitação de Interesse Social pode ser considerada um avanço para a política nacional, resultado da trajetória e do acúmulo dos movimentos ligados à discussão da Reforma Urbana no país, apresentando um novo arranjo institucional, baseado no fortalecimento da pactuação federativa e maior participação e controle social, em que se verifica ainda maior aporte de recursos federais e ampliação da atuação do Governo Estadual. Nesse sentido, o trabalho analisa mais particularmente as estratégias de descentralização adotadas pela recente política, bem como os resultados alcançados principalmente pelas administrações municipais paraenses, no tocante ao acesso aos recursos federais e execução de ações neste setor. A pesquisa bibliográfica aborda a questão habitacional e urbana, Estado e políticas sociais, descentralização de políticas sociais, política habitacional no Brasil e no Pará e urbanização na Amazônia, com foco no Pará. Foram ainda realizadas pesquisa documental e entrevistas com representantes do Governo Federal, Estadual e Municipais, bem como representantes de movimentos sociais e populares. Os resultados apontam que, para além dos avanços na estruturação de um sistema nacional e da conquista de importantes espaços de participação no nível federal, as estratégias de descentralização ainda se apresentam de maneira frágil, o que pode representar um limite ao processo de consolidação do SNHIS.

Programa de complementação de renda Bolsa-Família: política de Estado ou política de governo?

Este artigo apresenta uma avaliação política da concepção e da formulação de uma política social, cuja estratégia prioritária são os programas de transferência monetária. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa objetiva explicitar o delineamento de uma política de renda mínima no Brasil e toma como referência o processo de unificação dos programas de garantia de renda existentes na realidade brasileira em torno do programa Bolsa-Família. Este trabalho pretende também investigar a existência ou não de um conceito de necessidades no debate contemporâneo sobre renda mínima e a adoção desse conceito nas atuais políticas sociais brasileiras de distribuição de renda.

Economia solidária e política pública de geração de trabalho e renda – uma análise do Programa Bolsa Trabalho do estado do Pará

A dissertação intitulada “Economia solidária e política pública de geração de trabalho e renda: uma análise do Programa Bolsa Trabalho do Estado do Pará” traz contribuições à proposta de incluir social e economicamente jovens trabalhadores excluídos do mercado formal de trabalho a partir de uma estratégia política que articulou economia solidária, geração de trabalho e renda e incentivo financeiro temporário e condicionado. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida com base na experiência do referido Programa, realizado no período de 2007 a 2010, enquanto proposta de governo que compôs a Política Pública de Trabalho e Renda do Estado, sinalizando para construção de estratégias possíveis no combate ao desemprego, à pobreza, à exclusão social, especialmente da população jovem, a partir da economia solidária. O Programa Bolsa Trabalho foi estruturado em três eixos de qualificação social e profissional, a saber: capacitação profissional para o mercado formal, constituição de empreendimento individual e familiar e organização de empreendimentos coletivos solidários. Para efeito de análise a pesquisa foi delimitada neste último eixo, dado seu diferencial em promover a inclusão produtiva por meio do trabalho cooperado e autogestionário. Assim, elegeu-se a abordagem qualitativa para efetivação desta dissertação combinando pesquisa documental nos projetos e relatórios referentes ao Programa Bolsa Trabalho com a realização de entrevista a coordenadores e técnicos que participaram do mesmo. Além de pesquisa bibliográfica em livros, dissertações, monografias e outras produções sobre as políticas discutidas nesse trabalho. Posto o objetivo desta dissertação consistir na análise do Programa Bolsa Trabalho, em sua articulação entre as políticas de transferência de renda, economia solidária e geração de trabalho, os resultados da pesquisa permitem concluir que a proposta de incluir social e economicamente jovens trabalhadores a partir desta estratégia se mostra possível, contudo demanda interação com as demais políticas sociais e econômicas do governo. Em relação à economia solidária, por se tratar de uma novidade política e na forma de organizar o trabalho observa-se que faltou, principalmente, esclarecimento sobre a proposta, demanda pelo grupo beneficiário e política de financiamento para implantação dos empreendimentos formados pelo Programa.

O processo de gestão de políticas públicas na perspectiva de ruptura social no município de Alterosa - experiência política gestão 1992 a 2005

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

Um estudo da recente transformação na estrutura social do Brasil: nova classe média?

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State - The Case of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

Policy Contexts of Social Work in Britain: the wider implications of 'New' Labour and the 'New Legal Regime'

Several commentators have expressed disappointment with New Labour's apparent adherence to the policy frameworks of the previous Conservative administrations. The employment orientation of its welfare programmes, the contradictory nature of the social exclusion initiatives, and the continuing obsession with public sector marketisation, inspections, audits, standards and so on, have all come under critical scrutiny (c.f., Blyth 2001; Jordan 2001; Orme 2001). This paper suggests that in order to understand the socio-economic and political contexts affecting social work we need to examine the relationship between New Labour's modernisation project and its insertion within an architecture of global governance. In particular, membership of the European Union (EU), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) set the parameters for domestic policy in important ways. Whilst much has been written about the economic dimensions of 'globalisation' in relation to social work rather less has been noted about the ways in which domestic policy agenda are driven by multilateral governance objectives. This policy dimension is important in trying to respond to various changes affecting social work as a professional activity. What is possible, what is encouraged, how things might be done, is tightly bounded by the policy frameworks governing practice and affected by those governing the lives of service users. It is unhelpful to see policy formulation in purely national terms as the UK is inserted into a network governance structure, a regulatory framework where decisions are made by many countries and organisations and agencies. Together, they are producing a 'new legal regime', characterised by a marked neo-liberal policy agenda. This paper aims to demonstrate the relationship of New Labour's modernisation programme to these new forms of legality by examining two main policy areas and the welfare implications they are enmeshed in. The first is privatisation, and the second is social policy in the European Union. Examining these areas allows a demonstration of how much of the New Labour programme can be understood as a local implementation of a transnational strategy, how parts of that strategy produce much of the social exclusion it purports to address, and how social welfare, and particularly social work, are noticeable by their absence within policy discourses of the strategy. The paper details how the privatisation programme is considered to be a crucial vehicle for the further development of a transnational political-economy, where capital accumulation has been redefined as 'welfare'. In this development, frameworks, codes and standards are central, and the final section of the paper examines how the modernisation strategy of the European Union depends upon social policy marked by an employment orientation and risk rationality, aimed at reconfiguring citizen identities.The strategy is governed through an 'open mode of coordination', in which codes, standards, benchmarks and so on play an important role. The paper considers the modernisation strategy and new legality within which it is embedded as dependent upon social policy as a technology of liberal governance, one demonstrating a new rationality in comparison to that governing post-Second World War welfare, and which aims to reconfigure institutional infrastructure and citizen identity.

Social Work and a New Social Order - Challenging Neo-liberalism's Erosion of Solidarity

The world in which social work operates today is a very different world from that in which most of us took their social work training, and the changes we are facing are profound. This paper argues that these changes are not merely a regime change in social policy but that they are essentially about a re-ordering of social relationships and attempt to model them on neo-liberal ideas. In view of these pressures it is understandable that social workers often try to ignore those changes and withdraw into a private world of therapeutic relationships in which the methods they trained in are made to be still valid, or they simply go along with new service delivery designs without asking too many questions. Both reactions fail to question what the "social" can still mean in the light of these changes and how social workers can fulfil their mandate to be responsible for the social dimension of public life. Nothing less than a head-on challenge of the basic presuppositions of neo-liberalism (Willke 2003) and their manifold applications to social service delivery systems will thereby suffice.

Un viraje en el diseño de las políticas públicas para la infancia : La participación social como alternativa

En el año 2005, se promulga la ley provincial No 13.298 de Promoción y Protección de los derechos de niños, niñas y adolescentes. A partir de la misma surge una nueva concepción enmarcada en el Paradigma de la 'Protección Integral' de derechos, estrechamente vinculada al impacto que tuvo a nivel local la Convención Internacional de los Derechos del Niño (CIDN). La Ley No 13.298 crea, en la provincia de Buenos Aires, el Sistema de Promoción y Protección Integral de niños, niñas y adolescentes (SPID). El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el proceso que llevó a la adecuación, en materia legislativa, de la Argentina a la CIDN y a partir de la misma, a la conformación de uno de los órganos del SPID: el Consejo Local de Promoción y Protección de niños, niñas y adolescentes de la ciudad de La Plata a fines del año 2009. Este trabajo se propone indagar en torno al compromiso comunitario y la participación de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, en vínculo con el Estado

Un viraje en el diseño de las políticas públicas para la infancia : La participación social como alternativa

En el año 2005, se promulga la ley provincial No 13.298 de Promoción y Protección de los derechos de niños, niñas y adolescentes. A partir de la misma surge una nueva concepción enmarcada en el Paradigma de la 'Protección Integral' de derechos, estrechamente vinculada al impacto que tuvo a nivel local la Convención Internacional de los Derechos del Niño (CIDN). La Ley No 13.298 crea, en la provincia de Buenos Aires, el Sistema de Promoción y Protección Integral de niños, niñas y adolescentes (SPID). El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el proceso que llevó a la adecuación, en materia legislativa, de la Argentina a la CIDN y a partir de la misma, a la conformación de uno de los órganos del SPID: el Consejo Local de Promoción y Protección de niños, niñas y adolescentes de la ciudad de La Plata a fines del año 2009. Este trabajo se propone indagar en torno al compromiso comunitario y la participación de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, en vínculo con el Estado

Un viraje en el diseño de las políticas públicas para la infancia : La participación social como alternativa

En el año 2005, se promulga la ley provincial No 13.298 de Promoción y Protección de los derechos de niños, niñas y adolescentes. A partir de la misma surge una nueva concepción enmarcada en el Paradigma de la 'Protección Integral' de derechos, estrechamente vinculada al impacto que tuvo a nivel local la Convención Internacional de los Derechos del Niño (CIDN). La Ley No 13.298 crea, en la provincia de Buenos Aires, el Sistema de Promoción y Protección Integral de niños, niñas y adolescentes (SPID). El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el proceso que llevó a la adecuación, en materia legislativa, de la Argentina a la CIDN y a partir de la misma, a la conformación de uno de los órganos del SPID: el Consejo Local de Promoción y Protección de niños, niñas y adolescentes de la ciudad de La Plata a fines del año 2009. Este trabajo se propone indagar en torno al compromiso comunitario y la participación de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, en vínculo con el Estado

Re-thinking Argentina's labour and social security reform in the 1990s : agreement on competitive corporatism

This paper will analyze the Menem administration's social policy reforms during the 1990s. Neo-liberal reforms in Argentina are well-known both in the economy and in the social arena, but in the latter we can discern the presence of tripartite negotiations. The form of such negotiations, the type of agreements reached as a result, and the background to those agreements will be discussed. We also pay attention to the concept of competitive corporatism, which was established under the increase in market competition brought about by globalization.

India's senior citizen's policy and an examination of the life of senior citizens in North Delhi

The paper investigates the ageing situation in India and the development of the government initiatives for the welfare of senior citizens. It also presents the initial results of a survey that the author conducted in 2011 in North Delhi. The main features related to ageing in India are 'feminisation', 'rurality' and 'poverty'. The survey in North Delhi reveals the differences between the male and the female senior citizens, and the vulnerability of the latter, in particular. The social security coverage such as pensions and health insurance was found quite limited among the respondents.

El liberalismo social del Presidente Clinton. La cooperación como política pública

Bill Clinton recuperó la tradición de liberalismo social que, desde una perspectiva de transversalidad, conformaba su diseño de una Presidencia donde confluían la acción y la respuesta, en forma de política pública, de las demandas sociales. La Administración Clinton hizo de la democracia como un activo social de necesaria incorporación a la idea compartida de Buen Gobierno y servicio público. En este artículo se estudian diversos ámbitos de aplicación del liberalismo social implementado por el Presidente Clinton. Las políticas públicas constituyeron el centro de su acción de Gobierno, mediante la implementación de una elasticidad que abarcaba la atención al ciudadano y la defensa de su dignidad como miembro activo del demos. El despliegue de lo social como parte del patrimonio moral de la democracia.

Current Problems of Social Europe. Research Papers in Law, 7/2007

From the Introduction. The main difficulty of Theology lies in the fact that the very existence of its subject-matter, God, may be put into question. Talking about Social Europe has something of a theological dimension. The aim of this article is to contribute into the debate, by putting into perspective some of the latest manifestations of social Europe. The need for the pursuance of social policies at the European level is now more pressing than ever (para 2). The EU, however, as it now stands, is the direct evolutionary result of the predominantly economic entity created back in 1957. This explains that the social policies pursued at the European level are piecemeal and often impregnated with market concerns (para. 3). From an instrumental point of view, EU social policy is being pursued concomitantly by secondary legislation (hard law) in the fields where the EU does have the relevant competences and by softer means of cooperation (soft law) in several other fields. Hard law has given the occasion to the European Court of Justice (ECJ), in a series of recent judgments, of putting to the fore the concept of a ‘social market’ (para. 4). Soft cooperation has been formalised into the infamous Lisbon Strategy and has been the main object of experimentation with the open method of coordination (OMC) (para. 5). The advances achieved in the above ways, however, do not offer firm answers to basic questions concerning the future development of the European social identity (para. 6)