922 resultados para Post-war Afghanistan
Resumo:
This dissertation examines the philosophy of Masaaki Kōsaka (1900-1969) from the East Asian perspective of Confucianism, which I believe is the most appropriate moral paradigm for comprehending his political speculations. Although largely neglected in post-war scholarship, Kōsaka was a prominent member of the Kyoto School during the 1930s and 40s. This was a group of Japanese thinkers strongly associated with the philosophies of Kitarō Nishida and Hajime Tanabe. Kōsaka is now best known for his participation in the three Chūō Kōron symposia held in 1941 and 1942. These meetings have been routinely denounced by liberal historians due to the participants’ support for the Pacific War and the Co-Prosperity Sphere. However, many of these liberal portrayals have failed to take into account the full extent of the group’s resistance to the military junta of Hideki Tōjō. Adopting the methods and techniques of the empirical disciplines of academic history and Orientalism, I develop an interpretative framework that is more receptive to the political values that mattered to Kōsaka as a Confucian inspired intellectual. This has necessitated the rejection of moral history, which typically prioritises modern liberal values brought a priori to the historical record of wartime Japan, as well as recognition of the different ontological foundations that inform the unique political theories of the East Asian intellectual tradition. Reinforced by the prior research of Michel Dalissier and Graham Parkes, as well as my own reading of the Confucian canon, I adopt David Williams’s thesis of ‘Confucian Revolution’ as my principle schema of interpretation. This, I believe, is better able to reconcile Kōsaka’s support for the war with his strong condemnation of the imperialist practices of the Japanese military. Moreover, acknowledging the importance of Confucianism allows us to fully appreciate Kōsaka’s strong affinity for Kant’s practical metaphysics, Hegel’s political philosophy and Ranke’s historiography.
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Julian Barnes, Pat Barker, and Hanif Kureishi are all canonical authors whose fictions are widely believed to reflect the cultural and political state of a nation that is post-war, post-imperial and post-modern. While much has been written on how Barker’s and Kureishi’s early works in particular respond to and intervene in the presiding political narrative of the 1980s – Thatcherism – treatment of how revenants of Thatcherism have shaped these writers’ works from 1990 on has remained cursory. Thatcherism is more than an obvious historical reference point for Barker, Barnes, and Kureishi; their works demonstrate a sophisticated understanding of how Thatcher’s reworkings of the repertoires of Englishness – a representational as well as political and cultural endeavour – persist beyond her time in office. Barnes, Barker, and Kureishi seem to have reached the same conclusion as political and cultural critics: Thatcher and Thatcherism have remade not only the contemporary political and cultural landscapes but also the electorate and consequently the English themselves. Tony Blair’s conception of the New Britain proved less than satisfactory because contemporary repertoires of Englishness repeat and rework historical and not incidentally imperial formulations of England and Englishness rather than envision civic and populist formulations of renewal. Barnes’s England, England and Arthur & George confront the discourse of inevitability that has come to be attached to contemporary formulations of both political and cultural Englishness – both in terms of its predictable demise and its belated celebration. Kureishi’s The Buddha of Suburbia and “The Body” speak to an alteration that has taken place in which historical Englishness and Thatcherism have become complementary rather than contrasting discourses. What Barker’s Border Crossing and Double Vision offer against this backdrop is a subtle interrogation of how renewal itself comes to be a presiding mode of cultural reflection that absorbs revolutionary possibility.
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This thesis is a biographical examination of the life of Mohawk leader Deserontyou (Captain John) and covers the years from the 1730's up to, and briefly following, 1811. The social, economic and political position of the Mohawk people and Deserontyou's position within the Fort Hunter community prior to the Revolution are addressed first. The Revolutionary War years are then covered with emphasis placed on Deserontyou's military role, the unpleasant conditions at Lachine and the painful reality for the Mohawk people in the aftermath of Britain's defeat. The post-war settlement on the Bay of Quinte is then explored, including the difficulties that Deserontyou experienced with the land, with the British Government, and with his own people. The documents upon which this examination are based come from many primary collections including: The Draper Manuscripts, the Haldimand Papers, the Stuart Papers, Ontario Lands & Forest Survey Records, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, Episcopal Records, the Bell Papers, the File Collection, the Claus Papers and Indian Affairs Papers.
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The purpose of this research is to investigate the various social, political and economic factors that contributed to Canada’s failure to implement a universal school lunch program during the 1940s. Although Canada developed several other social welfare programs in the post-war period, it remains one of the only industrialized nations that does not provide hot meals to children in elementary or secondary schools. Data from the province of Ontario, a major site of postwar reconstruction and policy-making, has been taken up to inform the broader national discourse on school lunches from the 1940s. National, Ontario provincial and City of Toronto archival records were collected and analyzed according to common themes, in order to identify key barriers that constrained government support of a hot meal program. Archival records were identified using key words, and were limited to materials created between 1930-1952. Analysis suggests that sufficient need for a hot meal program had not been established during the 1940s. Despite misleading nutrition messages, rates of malnutrition and nutrient-related disease were at an all-time low, and many Ontario school boards did not appear to have the necessary infrastructure required to supply all pupils with hot meals. The Canadian government had already employed significant resources to improve existing social security programs by coupling them with health education. This strategy reflected a shift in understanding malnutrition as a knowledge-based problem, as opposed to income-based. This understanding was further reinforced through the moralized dissemination of nutrition information, which placed blame on women for improperly raising their children. Ultimately, the strong uptake of nutrition as a public health issue in Ontario may have limited prospective responses to solutions already utilized in the public health domain, and directed favour away from a universal school lunch program for Canada.
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In this article I explore how the figure of debt illuminates the racial politics of welfare in neoliberal Britain. I begin by giving a reading of the simultaneous unfolding of post-war race politics and the Beveridgean welfare state, and then turn to consider the interpellative appeal of neoliberal debt to minoritiSed subjects who have, in certain respects, been de facto excluded from prevailing models of welfare citizenship. In particular, this article considers the ways in which household debt might, even as it increases social inequality, simultaneously produce ideas about equality and futurity, as well as gesture towards the possibility of post-national forms of identity and belonging. If we are to challenge the lowest-common-denominator logics of ‘capitalist realism’ it is necessary to develop orientations to the economic that are as convincing as the popular stories that circulate about the operations of the neoliberal marketplace, and which are as meaningful as the social relations they play a part in constituting. Rather than reproduce the racialized model of welfare citizenship that is implicit to the ‘defence’ of the postwar welfare state, I suggest that there are elements of prevailing neoliberal market relations that might themselves serve as a more substantial basis for expressions of racial equality. There is, in other words, something that we can learn from neoliberal debt regimes in order to develop a more egalitarian future-oriented politics of social welfare and economic redistribution.
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Este artículo pretende demostrar en qué medida Paseo por una guerra antigua (1948-1949), la práctica de segundo curso del Instituto de Investigaciones y Experiencias Cinematográficas (IIEC) en la que Juan Antonio Bardem rueda a un joven mutilado caminando por las ruinas de la Ciudad Universitaria de Madrid, constituye un intento pionero de desmontar los relatos oficiales de la Guerra Civil Española y rescatar la memoria de los vencidos. Filmar las ruinas del campus madrileño en aquellos años era un acto subversivo, puesto que el Régimen había emprendido su reconstrucción para borrar las huellas del Madrid republicano y de la Guerra Civil, resignificando por completo el recinto universitario. Por tanto, en Paseo por una guerra antigua, Bardem intenta reapropiarse de un espacio que en la época iba imponiéndose como uno de los “lugares de memoria” del franquismo. Esta película se vale de la función documental del cine para inmortalizar unas ruinas que simbolizan la República y la guerra, para preservarlas de la muerte simbólica que representa su reconstrucción. Mostrar esas ruinas en 1948-1949 equivale a “materializar” el pasado, a traerlo al presente de la posguerra, en un proceso que recuerda a los planteamientos sobre la Historia de Walter Benjamin, para proponer una visión alternativa de la contienda. Se trata de una visión teñida de una memoria íntima, ya que la película es un paseo no solo por las ruinas sino también por los recuerdos de este joven mutilado. En suma, Bardem propone una contramemoria de la Guerra Civil.
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Don Draper (Mad Men, Matthew Weiner, AMC: 2007-2015) actively colaborates in the birth and consolidationof a model of consumer society without realizing the enormous lie he is telling himself. Tony Soprano(The Sopranos, David Chase, HBO: 1999-2007) desperately grasps the wreckage of that ideal imageof effort and self-improvement which is not only disappearing but was actually never coherent or real.This article does a comparative textual, sociological, and discursive analysis these two characters as arepresentation of the evolution of the discourse of capitalism in the second half of the 20th century, that is,the artificiality of the hegemonic discourse of “pursuit of happiness” as the main myth in post-war NorthAmerican neoliberalism.
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Museums and archaeological sites are considered the most authoritative places for talking about the past and the heritage from a scientific perspective. In fact, visitors assume their discourses as reliable and indisputable. In spite of that, professionals of archaeology must critically analyse the production of narratives at heritage sites, since they often reflect social, political and identity issues related to the present-day realities. The aim of this paper is to study official and popular discourses about the Iberian culture (Iron Age) collected in museums and archaeological sites from Valencia region.
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En este artículo se explora el impacto socio-económico de la crisis internacional de 1929 en Senegal y más concretamente en la ciudad-puerto de Dakar. Se analizan las consecuencias de la dependencia externa y la extroversión económica que caracterizaba a las estructuras productivas coloniales, destacando también la respuesta organizada de los movimientos sociales africanos. Por otra parte, se estudia la evolución de las infraestructuras y actividad portuaria, observando la metropolización regional de Dakar durante este periodo.
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Los descubrimientos paleontológicos realizados en el siglo XIX propiciaron el auge de un tipo de narraciones en que se trataba de reconstruir el modo de vida de los antepasados de la edad paleolítica. Este género también se cultivó en España. Emilia Pardo Bazán publicó en 1912 En las cavernas, que es una recreación hipotética, mediante la ficción, del origen del hombre y de su civilización desde un punto de vista ambiguo en lo referido a los supuestos beneficios de esa civilización, mediante la narración de las peripecias amorosas de una pareja paleolítica contrariada por su medio social. A esta importante obra de Pardo Bazán siguieron cuentos de escritores como Antonio de Hoyos y Vinent o José María Pemán, cuyas historias se pueden considerar también parábolas fantásticas sobre nuestros orígenes culturales. En cambio, novelas como El Rey de los Trogloditas (1925), de Jesús Carballo, perseguían conferir cierto realismo a sus fábulas de la cultura, sin olvidar su dimensión aventurera ni su significado alegórico. Posteriormente, la Guerra Civil de 1936 influyó en un nuevo planteamiento de la paleoficción española en la posguerra, a la que seguirá un período casi vacío para el género hasta la llegada de la novela prehistórica comercial.
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El artículo reconstruye los principales aspectos de la labor del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre la oposición antifranquista del interior. Se describen las circunstancias políticas que motivaron la fundación del Comité Español (1959-1977), así como las principales características de esa célula intelectual antifranquista. El artículo indaga en los objetivos ideológicos y políticos de la actividad del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre las elites intelectuales y culturales disidentes durante el tardofranquismo. Nos concentramos especialmente en el capítulo que atañe a la ayuda directa dispensada por el Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura a los intelectuales y artistas españoles mediante la concesión de becas de libros y bolsas de viaje a través del Comité d’Ecrivains et d’Editeurs pour une Entraide Européenne. Reconstruimos asimismo los nombres de los principales beneficiarios españoles de esas ayudas, así como la principal problemática vinculada al desarrollo del programa. El análisis histórico se apoya en documentos procedentes de diversos archivos nacionales e internacionales.
Resumo:
Syria has been a major producer and exporter of fresh fruit and vegetables (FFV) in the Arabic region. Prior to 2011, Syrian FFV were mainly exported to the neighbouring countries, the Gulf States and Northern Africa as well as to Eastern European countries. Although the EU is potentially one of the most profitable markets of high quality FFV (such as organic ones) in the world, Syrian exports of FFV to Western European countries like Germany have been small. It could be a lucrative opportunity for Syrian growers and exporters of FFV to export organic products to markets such as Germany, where national production is limited to a few months due to climatic conditions. Yet, the organic sector in Syria is comparatively young and only a very small area of FFV is certified according to EU organic regulations. Up to the author’s knowledge, little was known about Syrian farmers’ attitudes towards organic FFV production. There was also no study so far that explored and analysed the determining factors for organic FFV adoption among Syrian farmers as well as the exports of these products to the EU markets. The overarching aim of the present dissertation focused on exploring and identifying the market potential of Syrian exports of organic FFV to Germany. The dissertation was therefore concerned with three main objectives: (i) to explore if German importers and wholesalers of organic FFV see market opportunities for Syrian organic products and what requirements in terms of quality and quantity they have, (ii) to determine the obstacles Syrian producers and exporters face when exporting agricultural products to Germany, and (iii) to investigate whether Syrian farmers of FFV can imagine converting their farms to organic production as well as the underlying reasons why they do so or not. A twofold methodological approach with expert interviews and a farmer survey were used in this dissertation to address the abovementioned objectives. While expert interviews were conducted with German and Syrian wholesalers of (organic) FFV in 2011 (9 interviews each), the farmer survey was administrated with 266 Syrian farmers of FFV in the main region for the production of FFV (i.e. the coastal region) from November 2012 till May 2013. For modelling farmers’ decisions to adopt organic farming, the Theory of Planned Behaviour as theoretical framework and Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling as the main method for data analysis were used in this study. The findings of this dissertation yield implications for the different stakeholders (governmental institutions and NGOs, farmers, exporters, wholesalers, etc.) who are interested in prompting the Syrian export of organic products. Based on the empirical results and a literature review, an action plan to promote Syrian production and export of organic products was developed which can help in the post-war period in Syria at improving the organic sector.
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Class has always been at the heart of the television crime drama. Whether it is the post-war paternalism of Dixon of Dock Green (1955 – 1976), the harsh social realism of The Sweeney (1975-1978), or the almost mythical evocations of Britain in Heartbeat (1992 – 2010) and Midsomer Murders (1997- present), class and crime have always been seen as being inextricably linked. Since the 1990s, the British crime drama has been influenced by successive waves of cultural imports from, firstly, the US and then from Scandinavia. There is now a recognisable ‘genre’ for what we might think of as British TV Noir. Beginning with shows such as Cracker (1993 – 2006), Prime Suspect (1991 – 2006) and Messiah (2001) and continuing with dramas like Red Riding (2008), Southcliffe (2013) and Hinterland (2013 – present), the British TV Noir employs narratives and stylistic tropes that might usually be associated with the cinema of the 1940s. Although drawing influence from high profile shows such as Twin Peaks (1990 – 1991), Millennium (1996) and (latterly) The Wire (2002 – 2008), CSI (2000 – present) and The Killing (2007) these British Noir shows also articulate the nation’s shifting class system. As Susan Sydney-Smith has ably demonstrated, the crime drama is “historically contingent” (Sydney-Smith, 2002, p. 5) and shaped by the surrounding socio-political, as well aesthetic, context. To this end, this chapter traces the depiction of class in three key crime series – Prime Suspect, Red Riding and Southcliffe - and explores how social class, and more importantly, its changing face provides a constant background to the narratives and characterisations. These three texts were each produced at pivotal moments in Britain’s relationship to class – Prime Suspect was shown 6 months after Margaret Thatcher vacated office; Red Riding was produced in the midst of the global recession in 2008 and Southcliffe was made in the shadows of stringing welfare and immigration reforms. These texts span three successive political administrations and over two decades of social and political change. Understanding the relationship between criminal activity and class in these dramas however is far more complicated than simply reading the historical context through the text. Commensurate with its cinematic incarnation, TV Noir is both reflective and productive, employing visual and narrative tropes to manipulate, as well reflect, its audience’s moral and social positioning. The picture that emerges from an examination of class and the British TV Noir is one of suspicion and discontent. As Andrew Spicer suggests (with reference to British cinema) the Noir sensibility both depicts and critiques a society that it sees as being “class-ridden, racist and misogynist” (Spicer, 2002, p.202). This is certainly the case with the texts that are being examined here, as social positions and taxonomies are constantly being redefined and renegotiated.
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Diplomacy often finds itself reduced to actions centred on states. However, after the Cold War, international relations and diplomacy have expanded with different actors growing into significant roles, particularly in the increase of diplomatic relations in the context of sport. The classification and significance of other actors remains under-researched in relation to sport, with literature focusing more on the growth of new and varying practices of diplomacy. This analysis contends that there is a need to interrogate fundamental components of modern diplomacy—with the actor being the focus—more specifically the classification of sports organisations in diplomacy. It is relevant as a more accurate understanding of sports organisations will contribute to how diplomatic studies can analyse and evaluate modern diplomacy within the context of sport. The International Olympic Committee is the actor used to illustrate how problematic classifications currently in the academic literature translate into weak and reduced analysis and evaluation of its role and significance in diplomacy. As counterpoint, this analysis proposes an analytical framework of socio-legal theory that harnesses legal regulation as a benchmark to classify an actor’s capacity within a society. In consequence, the IOC is as an active and significant contributor to the ever expanding and complex diplomatic environment and wider society.