840 resultados para Portuguese local government
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This research aimed to explore the privileging of growth and its influence on planning in England. The research examined two contrasting case studies: Middlesbrough Borough Council and Cambridge City Council. The analysis of growth privileging is rooted within a constructionist ontology which argues that planning is about the way in which people construct value relative to the function of land. This perspective enables the research to position growth privileging as a social construction; a particular mental frame for understanding and analyzing place based challenges and an approach which has been increasingly absorbed by the UK planning community. Through interviews with a range of planning actors, the first part of the research examined the state of planning in the current political and economic context and the influence that a privileging of growth has on planning. The second part of the research investigated the merits and feasibility of the capabilities approach as an alternative mental frame for planning, an approach developed through the work of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum. The research results disaggregate the concept of economic growth, based on the responses of interviewees and conclude that it is characterized by homogeneity. Growth is valued, not only because of its economic role, for example, supporting jobs and income but its potential in creating diversity, enriching culture and precipitating transformative change. Pursuing growth as an objective has a range of influences upon planning. In particular, it supports a utilitarian framework for decision-making which values spatial decisions on their ability to support aggregate economic growth. The research demonstrates the feasibility and merits of the capabilities approach as a means with which to better understand the relationship between planning and human flourishing. Based on this analysis, the research proposes that the capabilities approach can provide an alternative ‘mental frame’ for planning which privileges human flourishing as the primary objective or ‘final end’ instead of economic growth.
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The towns presently named Pombal and Sousa, located in the hinterland of the State of Paraíba, Brazil, still keep vestiges of the colonization process they went through along the 18th and 19th centuries, when they both emerged as settlement nuclei in the extreme West of the then captaincy of Paraíba and attained the status of freguesia and vila in a later period. This research aims to comprehend the process of urban formation and development of the colonial urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa as they became povoados (hamlets), freguesias (parishes) and vilas (small urban communities with a local government), according to territorial expansion policies implemented by the Portuguese government from 1697 to 1800. The choice of the two urban settlements for this survey lies in the fact that they were part of the great conquest and colonization program undertaken by the Portuguese Crown. Another aspect that was considered was the fact that those towns are the oldest urban nuclei of Paraíba s hinterland. They came into being as early as in the times of the colony, thus producing a favorable environment to the study of the changes that occurred in the captaincy s hinterland scenery resulting from the process of formation and development of the colonial urban space. Three fundamental categories of analysis were defined since they have a direct bearing upon the urban configuration of the two colonization nuclei: povoado, freguesia and vila. The three of them are related to civil and ecclesiastic jurisdictions. Field, documentation and bibliography surveys were undertaken in order to develop the study. They allowed for the finding of vestiges of the old, colonial urban structures and for the development of theoretical analysis based on present-day studies of issues relating to the colonial urban history. The study purposes were, therefore, to try to understand how the old urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa fit in the territorial expansion policies undertaken by the Portuguese government; to relate the process of urban formation and development of such nuclei with the categories of analysis povoação-freguesia-vila by discussing the relations and influences they exert over one another and their territory, as well as to unveil, as much as possible, the configuration the urban spaces that were shaped along the 18th century
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Doutoramento em Economia.
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Government call centers (311) were first created to reduce the volume of non-emergency calls that were being placed to emergency 911 call centers. The number of 311 call centers increased from 57 in 2008 to about 300 in 2013. Considering that there are over 2,700 municipal government units across the United States, the adoption rate of the 311 centers is arguably low in the country. This dissertation is an examination of the adoption of 311 call centers by municipal governments. My focus is specifically on why municipal governments adopt 311 and identifying which barriers result in the non-adoption of 311 call centers. This dissertation is possibly the first study to examine the adoption of 311 call centers in the United States. ^ The dissertation study has identified several significant factors in the adoption and non-adoption of 311 government call centers. The following factors were significant in the adoption of 311 government call centers: managerial support, financial constraints, organizational responsiveness, strategic plan placement, and technology champion. The following factors were significant barriers that resulted in the non-adoption of a 311 government call center; no demand from citizens, start up costs, annual operating costs, unavailability of funding, and no obvious need for one. ^ If local government entities that do not have a 311 government call center decide to adopt one, this study will help them identify the conditions that need to be in place for successful adoption to occur. Local government officials would first need to address the barriers in setting up the 311 call centers. ^
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County jurisdictions in America are increasingly exercising self-government in the provision of public community services through the context of second order federalism. In states exercising this form of contemporary governance, county governments with “reformed” policy-making structures and professional management practices, have begun to rival or surpass municipalities in the delivery of local services with regional implications such as environmental protection (Benton 2002, 2003; Marando and Reeves, 1993). The voter referendum, a form of direct democracy, is an important component of county land preservation and environmental protection governmental policies. The recent growth and success of land preservation voter referendums nationwide reflects an increase in citizen participation in government and their desire to protect vacant land and its natural environment from threats of over-development, urbanization and sprawl, loss of open space and farmland, deterioration of ecosystems, and inadequate park and recreational amenities. The study’s design employs a sequential, mixed method. First, a quantitative approach employs the Heckman two-step model. It is fitted with variables for the non-random sample of 227 voter referendum counties and all non-voter referendum counties in the U.S. from 1988 to 2009. Second, the qualitative data collected from the in-depth investigation of three South Florida county case studies with twelve public administrator interviews is transformed for integration with the quantitative findings. The purpose of the qualitative method is to complement, explain and enrich the statistical analysis of county demographic, socio-economic, terrain, regional, governance and government, political preference, environmentalism, and referendum-specific factors. The research finds that government factors are significant in terms of the success of land preservation voter referendums; more specifically, the presence of self-government authority (home rule charter), a reformed structure (county administrator/manager or elected executive), and environmental interest groups. In addition, this study concludes that successful counties are often located coastal, exhibit population and housing growth, and have older and more educated citizens who vote democratic in presidential elections. The analysis of case study documents and public administrator interviews finds that pragmatic considerations of timing, local politics and networking of regional stakeholders are also important features of success. Further research is suggested utilizing additional public participation, local government and public administration factors.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the ongoing debate on governance, accountability, transparency and corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the mining sector of a developing country context. It examines the reporting practices of the two largest transnational gold-mining companies in Tanzania in order to draw attention to the role played by local government regulations and advocacy and campaigning by nationally organised non-governmental organisations (NGOs) with respect to promoting corporate social reporting practices. Design/methodology/approach – The paper takes a political economy perspective to consider the serious implications of the neo-liberal ideologies of the global capitalist economy, as manifested in Tanzania’s regulatory framework and in NGO activism, for the corporate disclosure, accountability and responsibility of transnational companies (TNCs). A qualitative field case study methodology is adopted to locate the largely unfamiliar issues of CSR in the Tanzanian mining sector within a more familiar literature on social accounting. Data for the case study were obtained from interviews and from analysis of documents such as annual reports, social responsibility reports, newspapers, NGO reports and other publicly available documents. Findings – Analysis of interviews, press clips and NGO reports draws attention to social and environmental problems in the Tanzanian mining sector, which are arguably linked to the manifestation of the broader crisis of neo-liberal agendas. While these issues have serious impacts on local populations in the mining areas, they often remain invisible in mining companies’ social disclosures. Increasing evidence of social and environmental ills raises serious questions about the effectiveness of the regulatory frameworks, as well as the roles played by NGOs and other pressure groups in Tanzania. Practical implications – By empowering local NGOs through educational, capacity building, technological and other support, NGOs’ advocacy, campaigning and networking with other civil society groups can play a pivotal role in encouraging corporations, especially TNCs, to adopt more socially and environmentally responsible business practices and to adhere to international and local standards, which in turn may help to improve the lives of many poor people living in developing countries in general, and Tanzania in particular. Originality/value – This paper contributes insights from gold-mining activities in Tanzania to the existing literature on CSR in the mining sector. It also contributes to political economy theory by locating CSR reporting within the socio-political and regulatory context in which mining operations take place in Tanzania. It is argued that, for CSR reporting to be effective, robust regulations and enforcement and stronger political pressure must be put in place.
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The Swedish system of social security has often been regarded as comprehensive and comprehensive and inclusive. During major reforms in the 1990s and 2000s, it has maintained its essential character as a popular and well-endowed provider of social security and stability. Employment-related benefits are generous in financial terms, but come with the need for recipients to remain actively engaged in the economic or educational field. However, Sweden’s geographical and demographic diversity made it necessary to increase the role of local authorities in implementing active labour market policies. This article tracks these developments since the mid-1990s, both with regard to changing the benefits system and with regard to changing local government involvement. It argues that backed by broad political support, the Swedish system has achieved the necessary modernisation and adaptation to remain a viable alternative to more neo-liberal welfare retrenchment projects conducted in other European countries.
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Enotourism is a relatively new form of sustainable tourism. But is more than a lifestyle. The Douro landscape reflects its ancient and deep connection with the culture of wine, creating a picture of Man and Nature working side by side in search of the perfect wine. Lifestyle typically reflects: an individual's attitude, a way of life, values, or world view. Practical implications - the results suggest that there is scope for developing wine tourism products to attract tourists and which could be used to promote the Douro Valley region as a centre for enotourism. The beautifully unique landscape of the Douro was one of the reasons that made it a World Heritage site in 2001. There isn´t in Portugal an autonomous strategy process to define enotourism. Is a legal problem when we try to analyse the process or a data base to find information about enotourism players. So, how do winery operators, particularly those running small or family businesses, cope with the new developments occurring in the world of wines? The present study examines these issues from the perspective of a group of Portuguese winery operators. Our proposal in this research, is to analyse how many wineris or enotecas are hable to develop enotourism with a legal process. The results of the study reflect the level of education of employees, the seasonal nature of tourism, the improvements in its promotion and the need for greater support from local government. A key aspect is respect for the people who call the location home, the culture and customs of the area, and the socio-economic system. Design/methodology/approach - The methodology employed for this study consisted of a combination of surveys, interviews and field observations with the suppliers in the traditional wine‐producing region, Douro Valley, or Porto wine region, in the north of Portugal. The results of this investigation are almost analisys made inside the villages and also us wineries and enotecas. From the 30 winemakers that we visited, only 2 have an enotourism service acording to legislation and have a certificate that allows to pratices. It was very hard but it is an open field to future researchs (TOMÁS López‐Guzmán,et al, 2011). From the 30 wineries we have analysed only 2 were enotourism with a legal basis. Enotourism is on the travel agencies department and most of the wineries don´t have the legal licenses. Despite of most tourism agencies see enoturism as a segment of the industry with tremendous growth potential, stating that in some regions, it's only functioning at 20% of its full potential. Enotourism development guidelines and management practices are applicable to all forms of tourism in all destination types, including mass tourism and the various niche tourism segments.
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Coronary heart disease is a leading cause of death in Australia with the Coalfields district of New South Wales having one of the country's highest rates. Identification of the Coalfields epidemic in the 1970's led to the formation of a community awareness program in the late 1980's (the healthy heart support group) followed by a more intense community action program in 1990, the Coalfields Healthy Heartbeat (CHHB). CHHB is a coalition of community members, local government officers, health workers and University researchers. We evaluate the CHHB program, examining both the nature and sustainability of heart health activities undertaken, as well as trends in risk factor levels and rates of coronary events in the Coalfields in comparison with nearby local government areas. Process data reveal difficulties mobilising the community as a whole; activities had to be selected for interested subgroups such as families of heart disease patients, school children, retired people and women concerned with family nutrition and body maintenance. Outcome data show a significantly larger reduction in case fatality for Coalfields men (although nonfatal heart attacks did not decline) while changes in risk factors levels were comparable with surrounding areas. We explain positive responses to the CHHB by schools, heart attack survivors and women interested in body maintenance in terms of the meaning these subgroups find in health promotion discourses based on their embodied experiences. When faced with a threat to one's identity, health discourse suddenly becomes meaningful along with the regimens for health improvement. General public disinterest in heart health promotion is examined in the context of historical patterns of outsiders criticising the lifestyle of miners, an orientation toward communal lather than individual responsibility for health (i.e, community 'owned' emergency services and hospitals) and anger about risks from environmental hazards imposed by industrialists. (C) 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The purpose of this study was to estimate the extent of association of cervical screening in NSW women with socio-economic status (SES), rurality, and proportions of non-English speaking background (NESB) and Indigenous status. Data on women who had at least one Pap test over two years (January 1998-December 1999) were obtained from the NSW Pap test Register. Each local government area (LGA) was allocated to categories of population proportions of NESB and Indigenous status, a rurality classification based on population density and remoteness, and to an SES quintile. The odds ratios (OR) of having a Pap test were estimated and confounding adjusted by multiple logistic regression analysis. Implied Pap test rates in urban NESB and in rural Indigenous women were estimated from the modelled estimates. The adjusted OR for a Pap test in large rural centres (1.14) was significantly higher than those for metropolitan or capital city residents (0.9 and 1.0 respectively). Adjusted OR for a Pap test in other rural centres (0.73) and other remote areas (0.64) were significantly lower than those for metropolitan or capital city residents. In urban populations the lowest OR were in areas with both low SES and high proportion of NESB. The lowest OR for Pap screening in rural populations occurred in the most remote areas with the highest proportion of Indigenous women. For urban NESB women the biennial Pap test rate was estimated as 50%, and for rural Indigenous women 29%, compared with the NSW average of 59%.
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We compared four strategies for inviting 91,456 women aged 50-69 years to one of six clinics for mammography screening and 40,142 men aged 60-79 years to one of 10 clinics for abdominal aortic aneurysm (AAA) screening. The strategies were invitation to the clinic nearest to the client and invitation to the clinic nearest to the client's area of residence defined by census small area, postcode and local government area. For each strategy we calculated the expected demand at each clinic and the travel distances for clients. We found that when women were allocated to mammography clinics on the basis of the local government area instead of their individual address, expected demand at one clinic increased by 60%, and 19% of clients were invited to attend a more remote clinic, entailing 99,000 km of additional travel. Similar results were obtained for men allocated to AAA clinics by their postcode of residence instead of their individual address: 55% difference in expected demand, 13% to a more remote clinic and 60,000 km of extra travel. Allocation on the basis of small areas did not show such great differences, except for travel distance, which was about 5% higher for each clinic type. We recommend that allocation of clients to screening clinics be made according to residential address, that assessment of the location of clinics be based on distances between residences and nearest clinic, but that planning new locations for clinics be aided with spatial analysis tools using small area demographic and social data. (C) 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd.
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Objective: To describe the natural history of rheumatic manifestations of Ross River virus (RRV) disease. Design: Prospective longitudinal clinical review. Setting: North Queensland local government areas of Cairns, Douglas, Mareeba and Atherton during January to May 1998. Participants: General practice patients diagnosed with RRV disease on the basis of symptoms and a positive RRV IgM result. Main outcome measures: Rheumatic symptoms and signs assessed as soon as possible after disease onset and on two subsequent occasions (up to 6.5 months after onset). Results: 57 patients were recruited, 47 of whom were reviewed three times (at means of 1.1, 2.4 and 3.6 months after disease onset). Results are reported for these 47: 46 (98%) complained of joint pain at first review, with the ankles, wrists, fingers, knees and metacarpophalangeal joints (II-IV) most commonly involved. Prevalence of joint pain decreased progressively on second and third reviews, both overall (92% and 68% of patients, respectively), and in the five joints most commonly affected. The prevalence of other common rheumatic symptoms and signs, and use of non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs, also progressively declined over the three reviews. Conclusions: Earlier studies may have overestimated the prevalence and duration of symptoms in RRV disease. Progressive resolution over 3-6 months appears usual.
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We used a network of 20 carbon dioxide- and octenol-supplemented light traps to sample adult mosquitoes throughout Russell Island in southern Moreton Bay, south-east Queensland. Between February and April 2001, an estimated 1365 564 adult female mosquitoes were collected. In contrast to an average catch of 9754 female mosquitoes per trap night on Russell Island, reference traps set on Macleay Island and on the mainland returned average catches of 3172 and 222, respectively. On Russell Island, Ochlerotatus vigilax (Skuse), Coquillettidia linealis (Skuse), Culex annulirostris Skuse and Verrallina funerea (Theobald), known or suspected vectors of Ross River (RR) and/or Barmah Forest (BF) viruses, comprised 89.6% of the 25 taxa collected. When the spatial distributions of the above species were mapped and analysed using local spatial statistics, all were found to be present in highest numbers towards the southern end of the island during most of the 7 weeks. This indicated the presence of more suitable adult harbourage sites and/or suboptimal larval control efficacy. As immature stages and the breeding habitat of Cq. linealis are as yet undescribed, this species in particular presents a considerable impediment to proposed development scenarios. The method presented here of mapping the numbers of mosquitoes throughout a local government area allows specific areas that have high vector numbers to be defined.
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O objetivo deste artigo ?? expor e explicar um momento espec??fico da evolu????o pol??tico institucional brasileira. S??o explorados os conflitos que est??o na origem da escolha e a implementa????o de uma nova ordem pol??tico-administrativa no p??s-1930. S??o examinadas as origens, a concep????o e os objetivos que guiaram a inven????o de um aparelho burocr??tico que, juntamente com o interventor federal, n??o s?? controlou as elites pol??ticas regionais, mas tamb??m contribuiu para a organiza????o do poder do Estado em bases nacionais, cooperando para viabilizar a capacidade estatal: os Departamentos Administrativos. Analiso o contexto pol??tico, os antecedentes legais e as inova????es institucionais do decreto-lei n?? 1202/39, a fim de responder a duas quest??es bem espec??ficas: por que e com que objetivo essa lei sobre a administra????o dos estados e dos munic??pios foi criada durante o Estado Novo?
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RESUMO: Com o actual quadro de descentralização de atribuições e competências da administração central para as autarquias locais, na área da educação, os municípios passam a investir cada vez mais na acção educativa ao liderarem e planearem políticas educativas locais mais ou menos explícitas, e, nalguns casos, tentando superar carências que o sistema educativo apresenta. Esta pesquisa tem como problemática compreender o papel do Estado na (re)configuração das políticas de educação, quando a tendência para a mudança, de um Estado-educador para um Estado-regulador, tem por pressuposto o discurso neoliberal de que com ‗menos‘ Estado mas maior accountability se obtêm melhores resultados. Este processo origina uma redefinição no papel e funções do Estado no plano social e económico, provocando constrangimentos e conflitos de poder no que respeita ao seu controlo político, com a redistribuição de poderes entre o Estado e a comunidade, entre o central e o local. É neste contexto de mudança que a presente investigação, que se situa no âmbito da análise das políticas educativas, procura averiguar como e com que meios as autarquias locais concretizam as suas competências na área da educação. A estratégia de investigação concentra-se em uma metodologia qualitativa, com a utilização de um estudo exploratório, em três municípios da Região de Lisboa e Vale do Tejo. As actuais políticas educativas derivam da nova visão na gestão da coisa pública – res publica –, como resultado da nova concepção para o próprio Estado, e dos processos de elaboração das decisões político-educativas. Nesta perspectiva, a descentralização passa a ser um instrumento do poder local que favorece o aumento da autoridade democrática dos actores. Todavia, a governação – governance – supõe uma dinâmica de negociação, até mesmo de regulação entre o Estado, a região, o local, a escola e o mercado, feita para atender à construção do interesse geral, que já não é totalmente definido pelo Estado, mas construído em conjunto com as diversas forças políticas, económicas, educativas e sociais. O estudo permitiu evidenciar que a descentralização é posta em causa pelo Estado central, quando este ‗recentraliza‘ decisões e condiciona o poder local, com o fecho da maioria das escolas do primeiro ciclo e a verticalização dos agrupamentos escolares. Por sua vez, algumas políticas educativas como a ‗Escola a Tempo Inteiro‘ fomentam a desregulação dos vínculos laborais, forçando os municípios a aumentar os seus meios técnicos e humanos e a construírem novas infra-estruturas educativas. As políticas educativas passaram a ser concebidas segundo uma matriz híbrida, que visam a municipalização da educação – do pré-escolar e de todo o ensino básico –, por um lado; e fomentam a situação de ‗quase-mercado‘ com a privatização de sectores e o financiamento de várias instituições – que fornecem serviços na área da educação –, por outro lado. ABSTRACT: With the current framework of decentralization of functions and powers from central government to local authorities, in education, the municipalities are investing each more in educational work in leading educational policies and planning places more or less explicit and in some cases, trying to overcome shortcomings that education system. This research aims to understand the role of the state in the (re) configuration of education policies, when the tendency for the change in a State-Educator for a State-regulator, is the assumption that neo-liberal speech that with 'less' State but with more accountability we achieve better results. This process leads to a redefinition of the role and State functions in socio-economic constraints, resulting in power struggles with regard to its political control, with the redistribution of powers between the state and community, between the central and local. It is in this changing context that the present investigation, which lies in the examination of education policy addresses the question how and by what means the local, materialized their skills in education. The strategy focuses on a qualitative methodology, with the use of an exploratory study in three municipalities of Lisbon and Tagus Valley. The current education policies come from the new vision in the management of public affairs - res publica - as a result of the new design for the State itself, and the process of preparation of educational policy decisions. In this perspective, decentralization becomes an instrument of local government that favours the increase of democratic authority of the actors. However, the governance assumes a dynamic negotiation, even in regulation between the State, region, local authorities, school and market, made to suit the construction of general interest, which is not anymore fully defined by the State, but constructed together with the various political, economic, educational and social forces. The study indicates that decentralization is undermined by the central government when it ‗re-centralize‘ decisions and the local conditions, with the closure of most primary schools and with vertical groupings of schools. In turn, some educational policies such as 'Full Time School' forced the municipalities to increase their technical and human resources, to build new educational infrastructure. The educative policies began to be designed according to a hybrid matrix, which aims the decentralization of education - from pre-school and all the primary school - on one hand, and promote the situation of 'quasi-market' with privatization of sectors and the financing of several institutions - that provide services in education -, on the other hand. RÉSUMÉ: Avec le cadre actuel de décentralisation des fonctions et pouvoirs du gouvernement central aux autorités locales, dans l'éducation, les municipalités investissent de plus en plus dans le travail éducatif dans la conduite des politiques éducatives en mener et en faisant la planification des lieux plus ou moins explicites et, dans certains cas, essayer de remédier aux lacunes que présente l'éducation. Donc, nous voulons avec cette recherche comprendre le rôle de l'Etat dans la (re) configuration des politiques d'éducation, alors que la tendance au changement d‘un État-éducateur pour un État-régulateur, a comme l'hypothèse le discours néo-libéral de que avec «moins» État, mais plus d‘accountability on a des meilleurs résultats. Ce processus conduit à une redéfinition du rôle et des fonctions de l'Etat au plan social et économique, en donnant lieu à des luttes de pouvoir à l'égard de son contrôle politique, avec la redistribution des compétences entre l'État et la collectivité, entre les niveaux central et local. C‘est dans ce contexte changeant que la présente enquête, qui réside dans l‘examen de la politique de l‘éducation aborde la question de savoir comment et par quels moyens le local matérialisé leurs compétences dans l‘éducation. La stratégie est axée sur une méthodologie qualitative, avec l'utilisation d'une étude exploratoire dans trois municipalités de Lisbonne et Vallée du Tage. Les politiques actuelles d'éducation sont tirées de la nouvelle vision dans la gestion des affaires publiques - res publica – à la suite de la nouvelle conception de l'État lui-même, et le processus de préparation des décisions politique-éducatives. Dans cette perspective, la décentralisation devient un instrument de gouvernement local qui favorise l'augmentation de l'autorité démocratique des acteurs. Toutefois, la gouvernance assume une dynamique de négociation, même en matière de réglementation entre l'État, la région, le local, l'école et le marché, faite pour répondre à la construction d'intérêt général, qui n'est pas plus entièrement défini par l'Etat, mais construit en ensemble avec les divers forces politiques, économiques, éducatives et sociales. L‘étude indique que la décentralisation est minée par le gouvernement central quand il ‗re-centralise‘ les décisions et les conditions locales, avec la fermeture de la plupart des écoles du premier cycle et avec des groupements verticaux d‘écoles. À leur tour, certaines politiques éducatives telles que ‗l'école à temps plein‘ forcé les municipalités à accroître leurs ressources techniques et humaines, de construire de nouvelles infrastructures éducatives. Les politiques éducatives ont commencé à être conçues selon une matrice hybride, qui vise à la municipalisation de l'éducation - de l'école maternelle et de toute l'école basique - d'une part ; et de promouvoir la situation de «quasi-marché» avec la privatisation de secteurs et le financement de plusieurs institutions - qui offrent des services dans l'éducation -, d‘autre part.