483 resultados para Masculine


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This work analyzes the consequences of the intersection between the two spheres polis and oikos. It does so by examining themes present in three plays: Medea, Agamemnon and Lysistrata. The focus of the analysis is the way in which the feminine characters react to conflicts of interests in their respective situations. To fully comprehend which values correspond to which mentioned institution, the work also necessarily investigates the socialization and functions of both genders in fifth-century Athenian society. The analysis of the feminine condition in the creation myth implies the importance of the misogynistic sense of that time, which culminated in the silencing, discrediting, and systemic repression of females. The role of women in society, instilled in all girls starting in early childhood, is to succeed in marriage and domestic permanence. This lies opposite the masculine role, which was focused outside of the family center and to environments relating to war and public life. Matrimony and family, traditional female values, were threatened when overlapping with male interests, such as unavoidable war or social ascension through a different matrimonial bond. Therefore, it is possible to affirm that the opposition evident in the definitions male vs. female indicates that, in certain contexts, the interests of each element cause the conflicts present in the chosen plays

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The decreasing number of women who are graduating in the Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) fields continues to be a major concern. Despite national support in the form of grants provided by National Science Foundation, National Center for Information and Technology and legislation passed such as the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005 that encourages women to enter the STEM fields, the number of women actually graduating in these fields is surprisingly low. This research study focuses on a robotics competition and its ability to engage female adolescents in STEM curricula. Data have been collected to help explain why young women are reticent to take technology or engineering type courses in high school and college. Factors that have been described include attitudes, parental support, social aspects, peer pressure, and lack of role models. Often these courses were thought to have masculine and “nerdy” overtones. The courses were usually majority male enrollments and appeared to be very competitive. With more female adolescents engaging in this type of competitive atmosphere, this study gathered information to discover what about the competition appealed to these young women. Focus groups were used to gather information from adolescent females who were participating in the First Lego League (FLL) and CEENBoT competitions. What enticed them to participate in a curriculum that data demonstrated many of their peers avoided? FLL and CEENBoT are robotics programs based on curricula that are taught in afterschool programs in non-formal environments. These programs culminate in a very large robotics competition. My research questions included: What are the factors that encouraged participants to participate in the robotics competition? What was the original enticement to the FLL and CEENBoT programs? What will make participants want to come back and what are the participants’ plans for the future? My research mirrored data of previous findings such as lack of role models, the need for parental support, social stigmatisms and peer pressure are still major factors that determine whether adolescent females seek out STEM activities. An interesting finding, which was an exception to previous findings, was these female adolescents enjoyed the challenge of the competition. The informal learning environments encouraged an atmosphere of social engagement and cooperative learning. Many volunteers that led the afterschool programs were women (role models) and a majority of parents showed support by accommodating an afterschool situation. The young women that were engaged in the competition noted it was a friendly competition, but they were all there to win. All who participated in the competition had a similar learning environment: competitive but cooperative. Further research is needed to determine if it is the learning environment that lures adolescent females to the program and entices them to continue in the STEM fields or if it is the competitive aspect of the culminating activity. Advisors: James King and Allen Steckelberg

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This work analyzes the consequences of the intersection between the two spheres polis and oikos. It does so by examining themes present in three plays: Medea, Agamemnon and Lysistrata. The focus of the analysis is the way in which the feminine characters react to conflicts of interests in their respective situations. To fully comprehend which values correspond to which mentioned institution, the work also necessarily investigates the socialization and functions of both genders in fifth-century Athenian society. The analysis of the feminine condition in the creation myth implies the importance of the misogynistic sense of that time, which culminated in the silencing, discrediting, and systemic repression of females. The role of women in society, instilled in all girls starting in early childhood, is to succeed in marriage and domestic permanence. This lies opposite the masculine role, which was focused outside of the family center and to environments relating to war and public life. Matrimony and family, traditional female values, were threatened when overlapping with male interests, such as unavoidable war or social ascension through a different matrimonial bond. Therefore, it is possible to affirm that the opposition evident in the definitions male vs. female indicates that, in certain contexts, the interests of each element cause the conflicts present in the chosen plays

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The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the tension between feminism and nationalism in Israel and to investigate the ways by which such discursive currents mark the identities of Israeli women. The specific field of investigation is Israeli theatre, and the identities examined are dramatic characters created by the Israeli playwright Miriam Kainy. Also examined is the character of the playwright herself. Theatre is being observed as a specific field of society in which the position of women can be clarified. What kind of women characters the Israeli theatre produces is therefore a leading question for this study. Feminist theories, focusing on gender aspects of power relations, together with the postcolonial perspective, which considers power relations by focusing on ethnicity and geopolitical aspects, provide the theoretical tools. The social constructionist viewpoint is used since it provides an appropriate understanding of important notions for the thesis, such as nation and identity, considering them as constructions created by discourse. The discourses focused upon are the national v. the feminist discourse and theatre is viewed as a discourse mediator, which is why the dramatic text is the object of the analysis. The specific method of analysis is inspired by Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis. The main part of the thesis consists of a discursive analysis of five women characters, constructed within a period of about five decades, namely between the 1950s and 1990s. Each one of these characters consists of an articulation which is considered representative of a specific time-relevant discursive struggle between the two discourses in question. One of the central assumptions of the thesis is that the Israeli national identity is thoroughly masculine. The identity problems it has been causing Israeli women since the time of the pioneers until today are clearly illuminated throughout the analysis. The conclusion emphasises that the subjectpositions being introduced by Israeli national discourse, namely the ways of being a New Jew, an Israeli, collide with those introduced by feminist discourse, i.e. ways of being an independent woman subject. Nevertheless, each and every character demonstrates creative ways of transforming the discourses by aiming at a hybrid formation.

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[ES] Mediante la adopción del seudónimo masculino, algunas escritoras del siglo XIX y de la primera mitad del XX pudieron introducirse en un ámbito controlado absolutamente por hombres: el de la literatura. La sustitución de su nombre legal por otro ficticio les permitió ganarse el respeto de un elevado porcentaje de lectores que se mostraban todavía reticentes a valorar positivamente las obras escritas por una mujer, consideradas frívolas, sensibleras e intrascendentes. La necesidad de llevar puesta una máscara para alcanzar semejantes objetivos demuestra, no obstante, que las autoras de entonces en cierto modo seguían sometidas a los dictámenes de la sociedad patriarcal, cuyos prejuicios hubieron de asumir si querían que sus textos vieran la luz y fuesen tomados en serio. Con el seudónimo varonil ‒unido ocasionalmente también al travestismo físico, como ejemplifica el caso de George Sand‒, las escritoras forjaron de sí mismas unas imágenes descentradas, ambiguas, andróginas. Al mismo tiempo, la estrategia del cambio de género autoral presuponía el reconocimiento de una «condición masculina» inherente a la escritura.

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Les considérations sur le statut de la femme dans la littérature picaresque sont principalement limitées à la production littéraire espagnole. Nous ne pouvons que constater l’absence d’une étude comparatiste s’attachant aux personnages féminins qui peuplent le monde picaresque des pays où ce genre littéraire s’est majoritairement affirmé : l’Espagne, la France et l’Angleterre. Le but de cette analyse est de proposer une comparaison exhaustive entre les personnages féminins des romans picaresques européens de l’époque classique. Ceux-ci sont présentés selon les âges de la vie féminine : l’enfance, la jeunesse, l’âge d’épouse et de mère et la vieillesse. L’exploration de ces catégories d’âges dans lesquelles les rôles féminins se construisent met en évidence la place déterminante qu’ils occupent dans la narration. Leurs tâches, leurs comportements, leurs modes relationnels sont analysés dans les différents espaces et à l’intérieur d’un cadre temporel qui leur sont propres. Les représentations de la femme qui sont diffusées par les écrivains sont bien souvent marquées par une conduite désordonnée. Que les femmes soient victimes d’une société sexiste ou bien qu’elles fassent sciemment de mauvais choix, elles sont dans la majorité des cas, inexorablement condamnées à accepter la condition d’infériorité qui leur est imposée. Il est pourtant une catégorie d’entre elles qui ne s’en tient pas au rôle qui lui est dévolu à l’époque par la société et ses institutions et qui met en place toute une série de stratagèmes lui permettant de se frayer un chemin dans un monde dominé par la supériorité masculine

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The American Geographical Society (AGS) serves as a case study for considering the nature of “gendered geography” in the nineteenth-century United States. This article links the ideals and programmatic interests of the society—which were fundamentally commercial in nature—with the personal subjectivity of its chief protagonist, Charles P. Daly, AGS president from 1864 until his death in 1899. Daly is presented as an “armchair explorer” who shifted the focus of the society away from statistical representations of the world toward the action packed narrative descriptions of the world supplied by embodied explorers in the field. The gender dynamics associated with the center versus the field provide a useful way to contrast both sides of Daly’s persona—as a scholar performing detached, careful study yet someone who also derived a great deal of personal authority by staging popular and dramatic spectacles in New York City, speechifying and presenting himself on stage at geographical society meetings with returning heroic explorers. Daly not only served as New York’ smost influential access point to the Arctic at the time, he also served as an important node in the reproduction of masculine culture in promotion of a particularly masculinist commercial geography. Key Words: American Geographical Society, Charles Patrick Daly, gender and geography, history of geography, masculinity.

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For the 18th and 19th centuries, flirtation was largely understood to be the symptom of a woman’s uncontrollable (and innate) sexual appetite. Any woman who questioned its cultural operations, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, was accused of being simultaneously sexually inappropriate in her interests, as well as prudish in her denial of feminine desire as a legitimate expression of a woman’s character. What this talk will argue, however, is that, for Wollstonecraft, the flirt is a fundamentally masculine figure who engages not in a struggle over desire, but rather in a struggle for power based on monarchical politics of the Ancien Regime.

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Abstract: This project considers Emily and Charlotte Brontë's constructions of masculinity in Jane Eyre, Wuthering Heights, and Villette. There is a vast proliferation of scholarship focusing on gender in the Victorian Era, but as much of this criticism focuses on women, the analysis of heterosexual masculinity in these novels provides a unique perspective on the complexities involved in gender constructions during this period. Masculine identity was in a transitory state in the early nineteenth century, as Romantic values were replaced by Victorian conceptions of masculinity, largely influencing the expectations of men. This paper argues that based on an understanding of femininity and masculinity as defined in relation to each other, the Brontë heroes look to the female characters as a source of stability to define themselves against, constructing a stagnant feminine role to frame an understanding of how masculinity was changing. The female characters resist this categorization, however, never allowing the men to fully classify them into stable feminine roles, which leads both shifting gender roles to intertwine and collapse in the novels, undermining any conceptualization of a stable or universal understanding of gender. The paper considers the role of masculinity based in class, relationships with women, and the understanding of sexual passion, to argue that the Brontës' portrayal of men emulates the anxieties surrounding the shift from Romantic to Victorian values of manliness, ultimately rejecting any stable definition of the nineteenth-century man.

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The discourse on sexuality in nineteenth-century Spain presents a fundamental difference between the masculine ideal of that period and our current definition of masculinity. According to today’s popular stereotype, the typical man seeks out sexual contact and takes any opportunities that arise. By contrast, within the hygiene texts of the nineteenth century one detects a sense of unease associated with sexual activity and its corresponding role in the construction of hegemonic masculinity. In particular, sexual excess, masturbation, and celibacy were viewed as antagonistic to middle-class masculinity, which was instead associated with venereal moderation, marriage, and fatherhood. Men who transgressed this model risked their health as well as their masculinity. This formula reveals an element of fragility with regard to notions of manhood, in contrast to the traditional image of Spanish masculinity that originated during the Reconquest and is based on bellicose heroism, bravado, and sexual prowess.

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In Western societies the increase in female employment (especially among married women) is seen as having brought about the crisis of the traditional model of the family, reinforcing the position of the "modern" model - the egalitarian family with two working spouses and a "dual-career" family. In contrast, the transitional situation in the post-communist countries during the 1990s is producing a crisis of the family with two working spouses (the basic type of the communist period) and leading to new power relations within the family. While the growth of dual-earner households in this century has implied modification of family models towards greater symmetry of responsibility for breadwinning and homemaking, there is considerable evidence that women's increased employment does not necessarily lead to a more egalitarian approach to gender roles within the family. The group set out to investigate the economic situation of families and economic power within the fame as a crucial factor in the transformation of families with two working spouses in order to reveal the specific patterns of gender contracts and power relations within the family that are emerging in response to the current political and economic transformation. They opted for a comparative approach, selecting the Czech Republic as a country where the very similar tendencies of a few years ago (almost 100% of women employed and the family as a realm of considerable private freedom where both women's and men's gender identities and the traditional distribution of family responsibilities were largely preserved) are combined with a very different experience in terms of economic inequalities during the 1990s to that of Russia. In the first stage of the study they surveyed 300 married couples (150 in each country) on the question of breadwinning. They then carried out in-depth interviews with 10 couples from each country (selected from among the educated layers of the population), focusing on the process of the social construction of gender, using breadwinning and homemaking as gender boundaries which distinguish men from women. By analysing changes in social position and the type of interpersonal interaction of spouses they distinguished two main types of family contracts: the neo-traditional "communal sharing" (with male breadwinner, traditional distribution of family chores and negotiated family power) and the modern one based on negotiated agreement. The most important pre-conditions of husband-wife agreement about breadwinning seemed to imply their overall gender ideology rather than the economic and/or family circumstances. In general, wives were more likely to express egalitarian views, supporting the blurring or even elimination of many gender boundaries. Husbands, on the other hand, more often gave responses calling for the continued maintenance of gender boundaries. The analysis showed that breadwinning is still an important gender boundary in these cultures, one that is assumed unless it is explicitly questioned and that is seen as part of what makes a man a "real man". The majority of respondents seemed to be committed to egalitarian ideology on gender roles and the distribution of family tasks, including decision making, but this is contradicted by the persistent idea of the husband as the breadwinner. This contradiction is more characteristic of the Russian situation than of the Czech. The quantitative study showed a difference in prevailing family models between the two countries, with a clearer shift towards the traditional family contract in the Russian case. The Czechs were more likely to consider their partnerships as based on negotiated agreement, while the Russians saw theirs as based on egalitarian contract, in both cases seeing this as the norm. The majority of couples said they felt satisfied with their marriage, although in both countries wives seemed to be less satisfied. There was however a difference in the issues that aroused dissatisfaction, with Czech women being more sensitive to issues such as self-realisation, personal independence, understanding and recognition in the family, and Russians to issues of love, understanding and recognition. The most disputed area for the majority of families was chores in the home, presumably because in many families both husband and wife were working hard outside the home and because a number of partners had differing views as to the ideal distribution of chores within the family. The distribution of power in the family seems to be linked to the level of well being. The analysis showed that in the dominant democratic model there is still an inverse connection between family leadership and well being: the more prominent the wife's position as head of the family is, the lower the level of family income. This may reflect both the husband's refusal to play the leading role in the family and even his rejection of any involvement in family issues in such a family. The qualitative research revealed that both men and women see the breadwinning role to be an essential part of masculine identity, a role which the female partner would take on temporarily to assist the male but not permanently since this would threaten the gender boundaries and the man's identity. At the same time, few breadwinners expressed a sense of job satisfaction and all considered their choice as imposed on them by the circumstances (i.e. having a family in difficult times). The group feel that family orientation and some loss of personal involvement in their profession is partly reflected in the fact that many of the men felt more comfortable and self-confident at home than at work. Women's work, on the other hand, was largely seen as a source of personal and self-realisation and social life. Eight out of ten of the Russian women interviewed were employed, although only two on a full-time basis, but none saw their jobs as adding substantially to the family budget. Both partners see the most important factor as the wife's wish to work or stay at home, and do not think it wise for the wife to work at the expense of her part of the "family contract", although husbands from the "egalitarian" relationships expressed more willingness to compromise. The analysis showed clearly that wives and husbands did not construct gender boundaries in isolation, with the interviews providing clear evidence of negotiation. At the same time, husbands' interpretations of their wives' employment were less susceptible to the influence of negotiation than were their gender attitudes and norms about breadwinning. One of the most interesting aspects of the spouses' negotiations was the extent to which they disagreed about what they seemed to have agreed upon. Most disagreements about the breadwinning boundaries, however, were over norms and were settled by changes in norms rather than in behavioural interpretation. Changes in norms were often a form of peace offering or were in response in changes in circumstances. The study did show, however, that many of the efforts at cooperation and compensation were more symbolic than real and the group found the plasticity of expressed gender ideology to be one of the most striking findings of their work. They conclude that the shift towards more traditional gednder distributions of incomes and domestic chores does not automatically mean the reestablishment of a patriarchal model of family power. On the contrary, it seems to be a compromise formation, relatively unstable, temporary and containing self-defeating forces as the split between the personal and professional value of work and its social value expressed in a money equivalent cannot be maintained for generations.

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BACKGROUND: Data on female patients with atherosclerotic peripheral arterial disease (PAD) are scarce, and limited primarily to the elderly population with multilevel disease. In this longitudinal observational study we compare female patients below 60 years of age with isolated lesions at the aortic bifurcation or focal superficial femoral artery disease. PATIENTS AND METHODS: Analysis is based on consecutive series of 43 female patients with PAD limited to the aortoiliac bifurcation (n = 28, group I) or an isolated femoral segment at the adductor channel (n = 15, group II) seen in a tertiary referral center between 1998 and 2000. The first assessment provided baseline data, with follow up data obtained at this study. Traditional risk factors, carotid artery disease and clinical outcome (mortality, cardiovascular events, vascular re-intervention rate, PAD progression) were evaluated over an interval of 5 (2 to 8) years. RESULTS: Female patients with aortic disease [group I] were younger (51.8 +/- 7.7 vs. 56.7 +/- 7.6 years in group II; p = 0.048), presented a more masculine phenotype, and smoked significantly more often (82% vs. 40%; p = 0.007). Arterial hypertension and diabetes mellitus were more common in group II, though it missed statistical significance (p = 0.068 and p = 0.085). Cardiovascular and limb outcome were comparable in both groups of female patients, while carotid artery disease was more severe in group I (i.e., carotid plaques in 71 vs. 53%). CONCLUSION: Our data support previous findings that cigarette smoking is a stronger risk factor for aortic disease as compared to femoral disease in younger female patients, with the strongest effect of smoking on a localized region of the aortic bifurcation.

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The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher. Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse.

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L’histoire des relations entre biologie et politique féministe est tendue et contradictoire. Cela paraît d’autant plus flagrant aujourd’hui à l’âge d’or des neurosciences qui ramènent les arguments de supériorité masculine, le caractère inéluctable des différences de genre et la prédominance de l’hétérosexualité à une affaire de cerveau. Dans cet article, nous analysons les points d’intersection propres aux sciences du cerveau et du féminisme. Ces deux champs de recherche entretiennent selon nous des rapports conflictuels mais parfois aussi productifs, y compris dans leurs rapports à l’activisme politique. Ces rapports peuvent être caractérisés en référence à trois directions de recherche principales : des « déstabilisations », des « reconstructions » et des « recontextualisations ». En guise de conclusion, nous terminons par quelques réflexions sur les conditions sociologiques de l’engagement dans une économie politique des neurosciences.[1] [1]Traduit de l’anglais par Marc Gagnepain. Pour une brève présentation de l’article et du dossier thématique dans lequel il s’inscrit, nous renvoyons le/la lecteur/trice à l’article introductif de Bovet, Kraus, Panese, Pidoux et Stücklin, « Les neurosciences à l’épreuve de la clinique et des sciences sociales. Regards croisés ».

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The aim of this project is to investigate the use of gender-fair language from a cross-linguistic perspective. Specifically, we are interested in whether the use of gender-fair language correlates with socio-economic rankings of gender equality and with structural features of a language. We decided to analyze online job advertisements, as they reflect common language use and can easily be compared across languages. Moreover, formulations in job advertisements have been shown to impact personnel selection via the way target groups are addressed and referred to. In the present study we examined to what extent job advertisements are formulated in a gender-fair way and how this correlates with factors such as language, culture as well as status and gender-typicality of the job advertised. The data consisted of job advertisements published online in four European countries which occupy different positions in socio-economic rankings of gender equality (World Economic Forum, 2011): Switzerland (10), Austria (rank 34), Poland (42), and Czech Republic (75). We randomly selected 100 job advertisements from four lines of business characterized by different proportions of female employees – steels/metals, science, restaurants/food services, and health care. The advertisements were analyzed with regard to the linguistic form of the job title and the remaining text; we also noted indicators of job status, reference to gender-typical traits, pictures of women/men and other information which might be relevant to the use of gender-fair language (e.g., equal opportunity policies). A first analysis of the data indicates that the phrasing of job titles is closely related to the gender-typicality of a profession. While mainly gender-fair forms are used in healthcare, masculine forms are used more often in the domain of steels and metals. Feminine forms only, however, are almost never used. Cultural differences as well as correlations with associated variables will be discussed.