Responsabildade civil do advogado pela perda de uma chance

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

O confisco sem condenação penal como medida de recuperação dos bens e valores instrumentos ou produtos da lavagem de ativos

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Práticas teatrais na educação: será que dá jogo?

Pós-graduação em Artes - IA

Políticas de acesso ao cargo de diretor de escola pública da educação básica – novas perspectivas a partir da realidade do município de Franca/SP

Pós-graduação em Planejamento e Análise de Políticas Públicas - FCHS

A ascensão de aspectos do common law no sistema processual civil brasileiro: uma crítica à aplicação da jurisprudência e à doutrina dos precedentes judiciais

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Marco legal do Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar: uma releitura para alinhar propósitos e práticas na aquisição de alimentos

This essay aims to discuss the acquisition of food by the National School Feeding Program in light of its current legal framework with a view to promote healthy and culturally sound eating habits that help to improve the health of Brazilian school children and promote local development. The study presents an analysis of the current legislation of the National School Feeding Program, evidencing its intention to influence the Brazilian feeding system and the food pattern of its population using school meals, highlighting the gaps that challenge the achievement of major changes in the execution of the program. From this analysis and based on the high and growing consumption of ultra-processed foods in Brazil, and considering the disadvantages of these foods when compared with minimally-processed or fresh foods, a proposal is developed to guide the construction of a list of foods that is consistent with the current legal framework of the Program and its objectives. It is argued that the prevalence of minimally-processed or fresh foods in school meals can be a strategy to rescue the healthy-food heritage and strengthen local development if promoting family farming.

THE INTERNATIONAL CLASSIFICATION OF PUBLIC HEALTH NURSING PRACTICES - CIPESC (R): A PEDAGOGICAL TOOL FOR EPIDEMIOLOGICAL STUDIES

The CIPESC (R) is a tool that informs the work of nurses in Public Health and assists in prioritizing their care in practice, management and research. It is also a powerful pedagogical instrument for the qualification of nurses within the Brazilian healthcare system. In the teaching of infectious diseases, using the CIPESC (R) assists in analyzing the interventions by encouraging clinical and epidemiological thinking regarding the health-illness process. With the purpose in mind of developing resources for teaching undergraduate nursing students and encouraging reflection regarding the process of nursing work, this article presents an experimental application of CIPESC (R), using meningococcal meningitis as an example.

Treatment-resistant depression increases health costs and resource utilization

Objective: Major Depressive Disorder (MDD) is a debilitating condition with a marked social impact. The impact of MDD and Treatment-Resistant Depression (TRD+) within the Brazilian health system is largely unknown. The goal of this study was to compare resource utilization and costs of care for treatment-resistant MDD relative to non-treatment-resistant depression (TRD-). Methods: We retrospectively analyzed the records of 212 patients who had been diagnosed with MDD according to the ICD-10 criteria. Specific criteria were used to identify patients with TRD+. Resource utilization was estimated, and the consumption of medication was annualized. We obtained information on medical visits, procedures, hospitalizations, emergency department visits and medication use related or not to MDD. Results: The sample consisted of 90 TRD+ and 122 TRD-patients. TRD+ patients used significantly more resources from the psychiatric service, but not from non-psychiatric clinics, compared to TRD-patients. Furthermore, TRD+ patients were significantly more likely to require hospitalizations. Overall, TRD+ patients imposed significantly higher (81.5%) annual costs compared to TRD-patients (R$ 5,520.85; US$ 3,075.34 vs. R$ 3,042.14; US$ 1,694.60). These findings demonstrate the burden of MDD, and especially of TRD+ patients, to the tertiary public health system. Our study should raise awareness of the impact of TRD+ and should be considered by policy makers when implementing public mental health initiatives.

Cadeia de valor da saúde: um modelo para o sistema de saúde brasileiro

Este artigo apresenta um modelo de cadeia de valor da saúde que representa, de maneira esquemática, o sistema de saúde do Brasil. O modelo proposto tem como intuito apresentar uma adequação à realidade brasileira, bem como abrangência e flexibilidade para utilização em atividades acadêmicas e análises do setor de saúde do Brasil. O modelo coloca ênfase em três componentes: principais atividades dessa cadeia, agrupadas em elos verticais e horizontais; missão de cada um desses elos; e principais fluxos da cadeia. A cadeia proposta é formada por seis elos verticais e três horizontais, perfazendo um total de nove: desenvolvimento de conhecimento em saúde; fornecimento de produtos e tecnologias; serviços de saúde; intermediação financeira; financiamento da saúde; consumo de saúde; regulação; distribuição de produtos de saúde; e serviços de apoio e complementares. A análise da cadeia proposta pode ser realizada por meio de quatro fluxos: inovação e conhecimento; produtos e serviços; financeiro; e de informação.

Falhas de mercado e redes em políticas públicas: desafios e possibilidades ao Sistema Único de Saúde

Os princípios e as diretrizes do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) impõem uma estrutura de assistência baseada em redes de políticas públicas que, combinada ao modelo de financiamento adotado, conduz a falhas de mercado. Isso impõe barreiras à gestão do sistema público de saúde e à concretização dos objetivos do SUS. As características institucionais e a heterogeneidade dos atores, aliadas à existência de diferentes redes de atenção à saúde, geram complexidade analítica no estudo da dinâmica global da rede do SUS. Há limitações ao emprego de métodos quantitativos baseados em análise estática com dados retrospectivos do sistema público de saúde. Assim, propõe-se a abordagem do SUS como sistema complexo, a partir da utilização de metodologia quantitativa inovadora baseada em simulação computacional. O presente artigo buscou analisar desafios e potencialidades na utilização de modelagem com autômatos celulares combinada com modelagem baseada em agentes para simulação da evolução da rede de serviços do SUS. Tal abordagem deve permitir melhor compreensão da organização, heterogeneidade e dinâmica estrutural da rede de serviços do SUS e possibilitar minimização dos efeitos das falhas de mercado no sistema de saúde brasileiro.

Learning Democracy Together in School? : Student and Teacher Attitudes in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The principal aim of this study is to examine attitudes and values, through questionnaires, among students and teachers in the last grade of primary school (grade 8) regarding issues related to authoritarianism, democracy, human rights, children rights, conflict resolution and legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A second aim is to explore and analyze the role of the international community in the democratization and education processes in the light of globalization in this country through secondary sources of data, site visits and observations. Analysis of the student sample reveals suspicion towards democracy, especially when democracy was associated with politics and politicians. When the issue of democracy was de-contextualized from Bosnia and Herzegovina realities in the questionnaire, students showed more positive attitudes towards it. Students generally agreed with very strong authoritarian statements. High achieving students were more democratic, more socially responsible, more tolerant regarding attitudes towards religion, race and disabilities, and less authoritarian compared to low achievers. High achievers felt that they had influence over daily events, and were positive towards social and civil engagement. High achievers viewed politics negatively, but had high scores on the democracy scale. High achievers also agreed to a larger extent that it is acceptable to break the law. The more authoritarian students were somewhat more prone to respond that it is not acceptable to break the law. The major findings from the teacher sample show that teachers who agreed with non-peaceful mediation, and had a non-forgiving and rigid approach to interpersonal conflicts, also agreed with strong authoritarian statements and were less democratic. In general, teachers valued students who behave respectfully, have a good upbringing and are obedient. They were very concerned about the general status of education in society, which they felt was becoming marginalized. Teachers were not happy with the overloaded curricula and they showed an interest in more knowledge and skills to help children with traumatic war experiences. When asked about positive reforms, teachers were highly critical of, and dissatisfied with, the educational situation. Bosnia and Herzegovina is undergoing a transition from a state-planned economy and one party system to a market economy and a multi party system. During this transition, the country has become more involved in the globalization process than ever. Today the country is a semi-protectorate where international authorities intervene when necessary. The International community is attempting to introduce western democracy and some of the many complexities in this process are discussed in this study. Globalization processes imply contradictory demands and pressures on the education system. On one hand, economic liberalization has affected education policies —a closer alignment between education and economic competitiveness. On the other hand, there is a political and ideological globalization process underlying the importance of human rights, and the inclusiveness of education for all children. Students and teachers are caught between two opposing ideals — competition and cooperation.

Le politiche giudiziarie inglesi degli anni 2000: mutamento di paradigma e rafforzamento dell'incisività politica dei giudici

The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts. It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one. Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance, (ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

Konfliktlinien und die Einstellungen zur Europäischen Integration in Norwegen : eine quantitativ-empirische Analyse basierend auf dem European Social Survey 2004/2005

In den konsultativen Referenden von 1972 und 1994 stimmte eine knappe Mehrheit der norwegischen Wählerschaft gegen einen Beitritt in die europäische Staatengemeinschaft. Regierung und Parlament zogen daraufhin ihr Aufnahmegesuch zurück. Ein erneuter Antrag auf Mitgliedschaft in der EU wird seither vermieden, da sich die Parteien des Konfliktpotenzials bewusst sind. Von der politischen Agenda ist diese Streitfrage jedoch nicht verschwunden. Die vorliegende Magisterarbeit greift den gängigen Erklärungsansatz der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung auf: Das Scheitern der Referenden ist demnach auf die Aktualisierung traditioneller politischer Konfliktlinien zurückzuführen. Inwieweit diese Cleavages die Einstellungen norwegischer Staatsbürger zur Europäischen Integration bestimmen, wird anhand eines komplexen Konfliktlinienmodells und mittels aktueller Daten untersucht. Aufbauend auf dem klassischen Cleavage-Konzept von Seymour Lipset und Stein Rokkan (Zentrum/Peripherie, Staat/Kirche, Stadt/Land, Kapital/Arbeit), findet eine Konkretisierung von Stefano Bartolini und Peter Mair Anwendung, die jede der vier Konfliktlinien als dreidimensional (empirisch, normativ und organisatorisch) begreift. In einem historischen Überblick zeigt sich die Relevanz der tradierten Konfliktlinien für Norwegen, die sich sowohl im nationalen Parteiensystem als auch in den Standpunkten der Parteien zu einem EU-Beitritt widerspiegeln. Datengrundlage für die folgenden empirischen Analysen (Kreuztabellen, Mittelwert- und Korrelationsvergleiche, multiple lineare Regressionen) stellt die norwegische Teilstudie der zweiten Welle des European Social Survey von 2004/2005 dar. Europäische Integration wird von den meisten norwegischen Staatsbürgern, die sich empirisch, normativ und organisatorisch auf den Konfliktlinienpolen Peripherie, Kirche, Land oder Arbeit verorten lassen, negativ bewertet. Im Gegensatz dazu geht die recht häufig vertretene Kombination der empirischen Konfliktlinienpole Zentrum-Staat-Stadt-Kapital mit einer überdurchschnittlich positiven Einstellung einher. Insgesamt erweist sich der Zusammenhang mit der Zentrum/Peripherie-Konfliktlinie als am höchsten.

Il presidente del consiglio dei ministri nell'ordinamento vigente e nelle prospettive di riforma

“Il Presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri nell'ordinamento vigente e nelle proposte di riforma”. La tesi si propone di ricostruire i caratteri propri della figura giuridica del Presidente del Consiglio nell’ordinamento vigente, sino alla analisi delle più recenti proposte di riforma costituzionale in tema. La dimensione analitico-sistematica proposta è stata sviluppata in riferimento alle concrete dinamiche economiche, politiche ed istituzionali, in relazione alle quali si è inteso verificare il tipo di rapporto tra esigenze di stabilizzazione del ciclo economico ed esigenze di stabilizzazione degli esecutivi, dando il dovuto rilievo al processo di integrazione della Unione Europea, come “motore” delle istanze di riforma del sistema economico ed istituzionale. Nel primo capitolo, si sono esplicitate le chiavi metodologiche secondo le quali si è inteso sviluppare il percorso di ricerca. Nel secondo capitolo si è operata una ricostruzione del quadro ordinamentale a base statutaria, come termine iniziale per poter cogliere al meglio la configurazione del ruolo poi assunta nell’ordinamento repubblicano; ciò come premessa necessaria ad una corretta ricostruzione diacronica, di tutti gli elementi rilevanti per poter comprendere la portata delle proposte attuali. Nel terzo capitolo, si è cercato di ricostruire il ruolo del presidente del consiglio, collocandolo nel quadro della dinamica attuazione/inattuazione dell’ordinamento repubblicano e alla luce dei caratteri del sistema politico, in modo da poter coniugare i tratti evolutivi imposti all’inquadramento della figura dalle dinamiche del sistema politico; così da poter conseguentemente cogliere gli elementi genetici di un dibattito politico istituzionale, che genera proposte di riforma organica, mediante l’analisi degli atti delle commissioni Parlamentari per le riforme. Nel quarto capitolo, a partire dalla apertura di una fase di c.d. “transizione”, si ricostruiscono le proposte specificamente finalizzate al riassetto del Presidente del Consiglio prodotte dalle commissioni parlamentari per le riforme, segnando le tappe di un percorso ancora aperto e dall’esito incerto.