849 resultados para institutional reforms


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Organisatorisen luottamuksen tutkimuksessa luottamus nähdään yleensä henkilöiden välisenä ilmiönä kuten työntekijän luottamuksena työtovereihin, esimieheen tai lähimpään johtoon. Organisatorisessa luottamuksessa on kuitenkin myös ei-henkilöityvä ulottuvuus, ns. institutionaalinen luottamus. Tähän mennessä vain muutamat tutkijat ovat omissa tutkimuksissaan käyttäneet myös institutionaalista luottamusta osana organisatorista luottamusta. Tämän työn tavoitteena on kehittää institutionaalisen luottamuksen käsitettä sekä mittari sen havainnoimiseksi organisaatioympäristössä. Kehitysprosessi koostui kolmesta vaiheesta. Ensimmäisessä vaiheessa kehitettiin mittariin tulevia väittämiä sekä arvioitiin sisällön validiteetti. Toinen vaihe käsitti aineiston keruun, väittämien karsimisen sekä vaihtoehtoisten mallien vertailun. Kolmannessa vaiheessa arvioitiin rakennevaliditeetti sekä reliabiliteetti. Työn empiirinen osatoteutettiin internet-kyselynä aikuisopiskelijoiden keskuudessa. Aineiston analysoinnissa käytettiin pääkomponenttianalyysiä sekä konfirmatorista faktorianalyysiä. Institutionaalinen luottamus muodostuu kahdesta ulottuvuudesta: kyvykkyys ja oikeudenmukaisuus. Kyvykkyys muodostuu viidestä alakomponentista: operatiivisen toiminnan organisointi, organisaation pysyvyys, kyvykkyys liiketoiminnan ja ihmisten johtamisessa, teknologinen luotettavuus sekä kilpailukyky. Oikeudenmukaisuus puolestaan muodostuu HRM-käytännöistä, organisaatiossa vallitsevasta reilun pelin hengestä sekä kommunikaatiosta. Lopullinen mittari kyvykkyydelle käsittää 18 väittämää ja oikeudenmukaisuudelle 13 väittämää. Työssä kehitetty mittari mahdollistaa organisatorisen luottamuksen entistä paremman ja luotettavamman mittaamisen. Tutkijan tietämyksen mukaan tämä onensimmäinen kokonaisvaltainen mittari institutionaalisen luottamuksen mittaamiseksi.

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Cette thèse doctorale étudie le rôle de la citoyenneté Suisse et le modèle libérale de l'Etat social dans la production du racisme institutionnel au sein des services sociaux en Suisse. Cette thèse pose la question comment le régime de la citoyenneté Suisse rend possible et contraint les travailleurs sociaux à racialiser et discriminer leur clients avec des différences culturelles alors que les normes de l'aide sociale (normes de CSIAS) ne prévoient pas des traitements différentialistes selon la culture ou l'origine. Le modèle théorique du racisme institutionnel développé se passe sur une approche néo- institutionaliste et des ethnie and racial studies, prenant en compte le niveau individuel, collectif et institutionnel. En incluant ces deux approches, on dépasse le déterminisme des structuralistes dans les études sur le racisme institutionnel. Cette recherche qualitative montre que les travailleurs sociaux utilisent les ressources de la citoyenneté Suisse, de l'Etat social Suisse et leur expériences personnelles quand ils interagissent avec des clients. En plus, cette thèse démontre que le workfare logique en combinaison avec l'idée de l'assimilation culturelle rend possible la production d'un discours sur la nécessité de mériter d'être un membre de la communauté nationale et d'accéder à l'aide sociale. Cette compréhension néo-libérale de la citoyenneté renforce et légitime les travailleurs sociaux de racialiser et pratiquer la discrimination à l'égard de leurs clients et les rend incapable de développer une réflexivité critique. Toutefois, cette thèse montre également que les travailleurs sociaux produisent du travail social interculturel s'ils ont pu développer une telle réflexivité critique dans les institutions de l'aide sociale qui mettent en avant une conception "individuelle" de l'aide sociale.-Cette thèse vise à aller au-delà du silence qui constitue les débats publiques et la recherche sur le racisme au sein des institutions publiques en Suisse. - This thesis questions the role of the Swiss citizenship regime and the Swiss liberal social welfare model in the production of institutional racism in social services in Switzerland. Considering the absence of intercultural formal guidelines in the norms of social welfare (SKOS norms), this research investigates how the Swiss citizenship regime constrains and enables social workers to racialise and discriminate against their clients with cultural differences. This thesis develops a model of institutional racism, taking into account ethnic and racial studies and a neo-institutionalist approach on institutions, addressing the individual, collective and institutional level. In this framework, this thesis allows to overcome the structuralist determinism in the studies on institutional racism. Based on a qualitative inquiry, this research shows that social workers use the resources from the Swiss citizenship regime, social welfare model and their personal experiences when they interact with their clients. This study also shows that the workfare logic in combination with the idea of cultural assimilation enables to produce a discourse on deserving social welfare and earning membership to the national community. This neo-liberal citizenship understanding reinforces and legitimises social workers to racialise and discriminate against their clients and hinders them to develop critical reflexivity. However, this thesis also shows that social workers are able to produce intercultural social work when they could develop such a reflexivity in social services with an "individual" social welfare conceptions. This thesis aims to go beyond a persisting silence regarding public debates and research on racism in public institutions in Switzerland.

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Selostus: Maatalouspolitiikkauudistusten vaikutuksista pellonkäytön diversiteettiin

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Place branding is not a new phenomenon. The emphasis placed on place branding has recently become particularly strong and explicit to both practitioners and scholars, in the current context of a growing mobility of capital and people. On the one hand, there is a need for practitioners to better understand place brands and better implement place branding strategies. In this respect, this domain of study can be currently seen as 'practitioner led', and in this regard many contributions assess specific cases in order to find success factors and best practices for place branding. On the other hand, at a more analytical level, recent studies show the complexity of the concept of place branding and argue that place branding works as a process including various stakeholders, in which culture and identity play a crucial role. In the literature, tourists, companies and residents represent the main target groups of place branding. The issues regarding tourists and companies have been examined since long by place promoters, location branders, economists or other scholars. However, the analysis of residents' role in place branding has been overlooked until recently and represents a new interest for researchers. The present research aims to further develop the concept of place branding, both theoretically and empirically. First of all, the paper presents a theoretical overview of place branding, from general basic questions (definition of place, brand and place brand) to specific current debates of the literature. Subsequently, the empirical part consists in a case study of the Grand Genève (Great Geneva).

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OBJECTIVE: Several smaller single-center studies have reported a prognostic role for Ki-67 labeling index in prostate cancer. Our aim was to test whether Ki-67 is an independent prognostic marker of biochemical recurrence (BCR) in a large international cohort of patients treated with radical prostatectomy (RP). METHODS: Ki-67 immunohistochemical staining on prostatectomy specimens from 3,123 patients who underwent RP for prostate cancer was retrospectively performed. Univariable and multivariable Cox regression models were used to assess the association of Ki-67 status with BCR. RESULTS: Ki-67 positive status was observed in 762 (24.4 %) patients and was associated with lymph node involvement (LNI) (p = 0.039). Six hundred and twenty-one (19.9 %) patients experienced BCR. The estimated 3-year biochemical-free survivals were 85 % for patients with negative Ki-67 status and 82.1 % for patients with positive Ki-67 status (log-rank test, p = 0.014). In multivariable analysis that adjusted for the effects of age, preoperative PSA, RP Gleason sum, seminal vesicle invasion, extracapsular extension, positive surgical margins, lymphovascular invasion, and LNI, Ki-67 was significantly associated with BCR (HR = 1.19; p = 0.019). Subgroup analysis revealed that Ki-67 is associated with BCR in patients without LNI (p = 0.004), those with RP Gleason sum 7 (p = 0.015), and those with negative surgical margins (p = 0.047). CONCLUSION: We confirmed Ki-67 as an independent predictor of BCR after RP. Ki-67 could be particularly informative in patients with favorable pathologic characteristics to help in the clinical decision-making regarding adjuvant therapy and optimized follow-up scheduling.

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During the last decade, conservation banking mechanisms have emerged in the environmental discourse as new market instruments to promote biodiversity conservation. Compensation was already provided for in environmental law in many countries, as the last step of the mitigation hierarchy. The institutional arrangements developed in this context have been redefined and reshaped as market-based instruments (MBIs). As such, they are discursively disentangled from the complex legal-economic nexus they are part of. Monetary transactions are given prominence and tend to be presented as stand alone agreements, whereas they take place in the context of prescriptive regulations. The pro-market narrative featuring conservation banking systems as market-like arrangements as well as their denunciation as instances of nature commodification tend to obscure their actual characteristics. The purpose of this paper is to describe the latter, adopting an explicitly analytical stance on these complex institutional arrangements and their performative dimensions. Beyond the discourse supporting them and notwithstanding the diversity of national policies and regulatory frameworks for compensation, the constitutive force of these mechanisms probably lies in their ability to redefine control, power and the distribution of costs and in their impacts in terms of land use rather than in their efficiency.

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Background. Recently several meetings and position papers advocate a change in terminology regarding thyroid neoplasms with indolent behavior, proposing the term "tumor" instead of "carcinoma". This change concerns non-invasive papillary thyroid carcinoma, follicular variant (niFV-PTC) and minimally invasive follicular thyroid carcinoma with capsular invasion only (miFTC-CIO). The aim of our study was to evaluate the impact of considering niFV-PTC and miFTC-CIO as lesions of low malignant potential, and to see how this change would influence patient management at our institution. Methods. A 32 months retrospective review of all well differentiated thyroid carcinomas (WDTC) (papillary and follicular carcinomas) diagnosed at our institution was performed, excluding tumors of uncertain malignant potential as well as poorly differentiated and anaplastic carcinomas. We retrieved cases of niFV-PTC and miFTC-CIO, reviewed histological slides to confirm diagnosis and recorded patient treatment. Results. A total of 9 (7.3%) niFV-PTC (4 males and 5 females, aged between 30 and 68 years, mean: 50.8 years old) and 2 (1.6%) cases of miFTC-CIO (2 females, 31 and 51 years old) were identified out of 122 WDTC diagnosed in the study period. The initial treatment consisted in 5 lobectomies and 6 total thyroidectomies (3 because of a compressive goiter, 2 because of a fine-needle aspiration diagnosis of suspicious for papillary thyroid carcinoma and 1 because of a fine-needle aspiration diagnosis of papillary carcinoma). The treatment following the histological diagnosis consisted in 4 thyroidectomy completions among patients who underwent simple lobectomy (4/5, 80%) and 9/11 (82%) radioablations with I131. Conclusions. The incidence of niFV-PTC is low at our institution, probably because we apply strict diagnostic criteria for this lesion. Simple lobectomy with negative margins is the treatment of choice in cases diagnosed as niFV-PTC and miFTC-CIO, due to the indolent course of these neoplasms. All cases with thyroidectomy completions and radioablations could have been avoided. As a consequence, the change of such terminology heavily impacts the malignancy risk evaluated cytologically as well as patients' management.

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This report compares policy learning processes in 11 European countries. Based on the country reports that were produced by the national teams of the INSPIRES project, this paper develops an argument that connects problem pressure and politicization to learning in different labor market innovations. In short, we argue that learning efforts are most likely to impact on policy change if there is a certain problem pressure that clearly necessitates political action. On the other hand, if problem pressure is very low, or so high that governments need to react immediately, chances are low that learning impacts on policy change. The second part of our argument contends that learning impacts on policy change especially if a problem is not very politicized, i.e. there are no main conflicts concerning a reform, because then, solutions are wound up in the search for a compromise. Our results confirm our first hypothesis regarding the connection between problem pressure and policy learning. Governments learn indeed up to a certain degree of problem pressure. However, once political action becomes really urgent, i.e. in anti-crisis policies, there is no time and room for learning. On the other hand, learning occurred independently from the politicization of problem. In fact, in countries that have a consensual political system, learning occurred before the decision on a reform, whereas in majoritarian systems, learning happened after the adoption of a policy during the process of implementation.

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The paper reviews the historical transformation of the European regulatory framework for electronic communications from the era dominated by state-owned enterprises to the presence of regulated competition. In the course of these developments, the vision of the roles of the public and private sectors in electronic communications changed in expected and unexpected ways. While the period is characterized by a shift toward less direct state intervention, the intensity of regulation has increased in many areas. Most recently, in the wake of the financial crisis, new forms of state intervention can be observed, including public investment in communications infrastructure and public-private partnerships. As a result of the reforms, Europe has been able to achieve major successes but it also suffered unanticipated setbacks compared to other regions. The European Union emerged as the global leader in mobile communications during the 1990s and was able to roll-out first-generation broadband access networks more rapidly than many of its peers. Recently, however, Europe as a whole has not performed as well in deploying next-generation networks and advanced mobile communications services. The paper offers a political-economic explanation for these developments and assesses their effects on the performance of the European electronic communications sector and the economy. From this analysis, the European model emerges as a unique institutional arrangement with peculiar advantages and disadvantages. Once these are recognized, sensible next steps to build the strengths while avoiding the weaknesses of the model can be seen more clearly.

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Interest in public accountability and government transparency is increasing worldwide. The literature on the determinants of transparency is evolving but is still in its early stages. So far, it has typically focused on national or regional governments while neglecting the local government level. This paper builds on the scarce knowledge available in order to examine the economic, social, and institutional determinants of local government transparency in Spain. We draw on a 2010 survey and the transparency indexes constructed by the NGO Transparency International (Spain) in order to move beyond the fiscal transparency addressed in previous work. In so doing, we broaden the analysis of transparency to the corporate, social, fiscal, contracting, and planning activities of governments. Our results on overall transparency indicate that large municipalities and left-wing local government leaders are associated with better transparency indexes; while the worst results are presented by provincial capitals, cities where tourist activity is particularly important and local governments that enjoy an absolute majority. The analysis of other transparency categories generally shows the consistent impact of these determinants and the need to consider a wider set of variables to capture their effect.

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History tells that institutions evolve gradually over time, pushing new ideas across borders and cultures. Globalisation is argued to accelerate this process. We examine the spatial links of different political institutions across borders. Applying various tests for spatial proximity, we do not find evidence of contemporaneous spatial links. This result is robust to various measures of distance and of cultural proximity across countries. Instead, when we analyse long run dynamics diffusion of institutions seems to occur only gradually.

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Drawing on a database for 1988-2006 containing information on 157 countries, we investigate the effects on military spending of government form, electoral rules, concentration of parliamentary parties, and ideology. From an OLS regression on pooled data, our results show that presidential democracies spend more than parliamentary systems on defense, whereas the presence of a plurality voting system will reduce the defense burden. Our findings suggest that, in contrast to theoretical predictions in the literature, institutions do not have the same impact on the provision of all public goods. We present as well evidence regarding the effect of ideology on defense spending.