The Eurozone crisis and the erosion of democratic legitimacy: Lessons from the gold standard. ACES Cases No. 2013.3

This paper makes four propositions. First, it argues that the euro’s institutional design makes it function like the interwar gold exchange standard during periods of stress. Just like the gold exchange standard during the 1930s, the euro created a ‘core’ of surplus countries and a ‘periphery’ of deficit countries. The latter have to sacrifice their internal domestic economic equilibrium in order to restore their external equilibrium, and therefore have no choice but to respond to balance of payments crises by a series of deflationary spending, price and wage cuts. The paper’s second claim is that the euro’s institutional design and the EU’s response to its ‘sovereign debt crisis’ during 2010-13 deepened the recession in the Eurozone periphery, as EMU leaders focused almost exclusively on austerity measures and structural reforms and paid only lip service to the need to rebalance growth between North and South. As Barry Eichengreen argued in Golden Fetters, the rigidity of the gold standard contributed to the length and depth of the Great Depression during the 1930s, but also underscored the incompatibility of the system with legitimate national democratic government in places like Italy, Germany, and Spain, which is the basis for the paper’s third proposition: the euro crisis instigated a crisis of democratic government in Southern Europe underlining that democratic legitimacy still mainly resides within the borders of nation states. By adopting the euro, EMU member states gave up their ability to control major economic policy decisions, thereby damaging their domestic political legitimacy, which in turn dogged attempts to enact structural reforms. Evidence of the erosion of national democracy in the Eurozone periphery can be seen in the rise of anti-establishment parties, and the inability of traditional center-left and center-right parties to form stable governments and implement reforms. The paper’s fourth proposition is that the euro’s original design and the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis further widened the existing democratic deficit in the European Union, as manifested in rising anti-EU and anti-euro sentiment, as well as openly Eurosceptic political movements, not just in the euro periphery, but also increasingly in the euro core.

Social Democracy, Globalization and Governance: Why is there no European Left Program in the EU? CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 00.6, April 2000

This paper addresses globalization and governance in the EU by attempting to generate some plausible hypotheses that might explain the policy choices of the 12 out of 15 European democratic left governments. With all of the discussion in recent years of a democratic deficit, and then need to maintain a "social Europe," why have these governments not produced more explicit left-wing policies? It suggests three possible hypotheses to account for this apparently mysterious outcome. Hypothesis #1: They want to but they can't. Hypothesis #2: They don't want to because they aren't really left anymore. Hypothesis #3: They could, but they all are suffering from a fundamental failure of imagination. The paper explores each of these hypotheses in two ways. First it examines the initial years of the Schröder government in Germany apparently, pursuing each of these three hypotheses and different times during this period. Then it looks more systematically and comparatively and each of the three hypotheses by including analysis both of Germany and several other EU member states. The larger goal of this work is to provoke discussion and research on what role left political movements can actually play. Is it even reasonable to expect such a group of nation states to develop innovative forms of cross-national governance? Or are new and/or revised forms of representation and governance beyond traditional nation-state models.

Strangers among us. Non-governmental organisations in Russia. OSW COMMENTARY 2015-09-29

The situation of the third sector in Russia, i.e. the civil society structures independent from the state, is worsening on a regular basis. The Kremlin’s actions aimed at paralysing and destroying the independent non-governmental sector seen over the past four years have been presented as part of a struggle for the country’s sovereignty. This is above all a consequence of the Russian government’s efforts to take full control of the socio-political situation in the country while it also needs to deal with the geopolitical confrontation with the West and the worsening economic crisis. The policy aimed against non-governmental organisations is depriving the public of structures for self-organisation, protection of civil rights and the means of controlling the ever more authoritarian government. At the same time, the Kremlin has been depriving itself of channels of co-operation and communication with the public and antagonising the most active citizens. The restrictive measures the Kremlin has taken over the past few years with regard to NGOs prove that Russian decision-makers believe that any social initiative independent of the government may give rise to unrest, which is dangerous for the regime, and – given the economic slump – any unrest brings unnecessary political risk.

The altar and the throne alliance. The Russian Orthodox Church vs. the government in Russia. OSW STUDIES 54, 2016-01-04

The Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate (ROC), the largest religious community in Russia, plays an essential role in the process of the cultural and national self-identification of the Russian people. Being a socio-political institution with a centuries-long history, it possesses great symbolic capital and enjoys public respect, which has been used for political purposes. Since Vladimir Putin regained the presidency in 2012, in order to strengthen the political regime in Russia the Kremlin has begun to extensively draw upon conservative ideology and promote the traditional moral and social values which the Church is viewed as the guardian of. This has resulted in establishing closer relations between the secular government and the ROC, as well as in a greater engagement of ROC hierarchs and organisations in domestic and foreign policy issues. This situation exposes the ROC to criticism for being excessively involved in politics, and in the longer term, to the risks linked to potential destabilisation of the governmental system in Russia.

Russia’s ‘Middle East’: the escalation of religious conflicts in the Northern Caucasus. OSW Commentary Number 207/04.04.2016

The eastern part of the Northern Caucasus (Dagestan, Chechnya and Ingushetia) is becoming an increasingly distinct region in cultural, civilisational and social terms when compared to the rest of the Russian Federation. The situation on the ground there bears greater resemblance to the Middle East than to Russia: Islam is the key factor organising socio-political life, and conflicts inside the Muslim community, often involving bloodshed, are the driving power of developments in the region. The conflict is between the two main branches of Islam in the Northern Caucasus: Sufism linked to the official clergy and government, and Salafism which is gaining more and more supporters among young people in the Caucasus. Tension, including clashes over mosques, attacks, mass detentions, etc. has been observed mainly in Dagestan and Ingushetia.

Initiatives d’activisme en formation initiale de professeurs: préparer à l’action et à la transformation.

L’action collective raisonnée, connue sous le nom d’activisme, orientée vers la résolution de problèmes de la société, offre des possibilités d'apprentissage tout au long de la vie et permet aux étudiants de développer des connaissances du domaine de la science et de la technologie. Dans une société où les découvertes scientifiques et les progrès technologiques sont constants, les potentialités de cette approche sont également reconnues dans la formation de citoyens responsables, capables d'agir et de résoudre des problèmes, tout en essayant d'influencer d'autres citoyens à prendre des décisions sur les problèmes complexes tels que ceux que présentent les questions socialement vives. Considérant que la formation de jeunes et d’adultes plus responsables et scientifiquement informés est fondamentale, cette recherche-action visait: a) à munir les futurs enseignants de compétences dans la conception, la mise en oeuvre et l'évaluation des activités orientées vers l'action sociopolitique sur les questions socialement vives; b) promouvoir chez les participants les valeurs de citoyenneté et de sensibilisation à l'environnement; c) identifier les difficultés et le potentiel de ces initiatives; d) comprendre l'impact de ce type d'expérience éducative chez les futurs enseignants. Les participants à l'étude étaient des étudiants préparant une licence en éducation élémentaire (futurs professeurs des écoles primaires et maternelles) dans le contexte de la discipline d’Éducation à l’Environnement. L'analyse des narratives produites par les futurs enseignants a permis de constater que tous avaient développé des compétences au niveau de la planification et de l'intervention dans la société, en recourant à différents types d'initiatives. Cette expérience de formation a ainsi permis, aux participants le développement de capacités à l'action et à la transformation sociale et environnementale. Il a également été possible de sensibiliser le public-cible des actions réalisées par les futurs enseignants à agir de façon plus responsable sur l'environnement.

Predictive genetic test decisions for Huntington's disease: context, appraisal and new moral imperatives

Predictive testing is one of the new genetic technologies which, in conjunction with developing fields such as pharmacogenomics, promises many benefits for preventive and population health. Understanding how individuals appraise and make genetic test decisions is increasingly relevant as the technology expands. Lay understandings of genetic risk and test decision-making, located within holistic life frameworks including family or kin relationships, may vary considerably from clinical representations of these phenomena. The predictive test for Huntington's disease (HD), whilst specific to a single-gene, serious, mature-onset but currently untreatable disorder, is regarded as a model in this context. This paper reports upon a qualitative Australian study which investigated predictive test decision-making by individuals at risk for HD, the contexts of their decisions and the appraisals which underpinned them. In-depth interviews were conducted in Australia with 16 individuals at 50% risk for HD, with variation across testing decisions, gender, age and selected characteristics. Findings suggested predictive testing was regarded as a significant life decision with important implications for self and others, while the right not to know genetic status was staunchly and unanimously defended. Multiple contexts of reference were identified within which test decisions were located, including intra- and inter-personal frameworks, family history and experience of HID, and temporality. Participants used two main criteria in appraising test options: perceived value of, or need for the test information, for self and/or significant others, and degree to which such information could be tolerated and managed, short and long-term, by self and/or others. Selected moral and ethical considerations involved in decision-making are examined, as well as the clinical and socio-political contexts in which predictive testing is located. The paper argues that psychosocial vulnerabilities generated by the availability of testing technologies and exacerbated by policy imperatives towards individual responsibility and self-governance should be addressed at broader societal levels. (C) 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Ethnic Print Media in the multicultural nation of Canada: A case study of the black newspaper in Montreal

This article explores the social and cultural roles of ethnic print media in the country within the prism of Canada's multicultural policy. Specifically, the article examines how the ethnic groups are framed in the mainstream national media in Canada and then examines how these ethnic media are [re]constructing their own identities in contrast to their framed identities in the mainstream national print media such as the Globe and Mail, National Post and Toronto Sun. In exploring the overall socio-political impacts of these ethnic print media on the social fabrics and cultural identity in Canadian society, Montreal Community Contact, an ethnic newspaper of the black community in Montreal, is used as a case study. Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications.

Disability's affect: Or, refugees, communication and community

Cultural theorists have given much attention recently to the notion of 'affect', yet such discussions have not seriously, if at all, raised the question of disability. However we would suggest that disability has very strong relationships with affect. In this paper we argue for the importance of rethinking affect and communication from the perspective of a critical, socio-political account of disability. To illustrate this, we look at affect and disability in two important cases of refugees in Australia.

Identificação e análise dos/as pobres como categoria social: uma pesquisa bíblica a partir de contextos histórico-sociais na subunidade dos Salmos 3-14

A pesquisa, em 5 capítulos, desenvolve o tema dos/as pobres como categoria social nos Sl 3-14, subunidade do primeiro livro do saltério (Sl 3-41). Os Sl 3-14 são atribuídos a Davi, o fato está relacionado com as escolas e suas teologias presentes na edição final do saltério. Esses salmos nasceram nas comunidades camponesas do antigo Israel, posteriormente, foram aperfeiçoados e adaptados por grupos de cantores oficiais no templo de Jerusalém. Os Sl 3-14 se destacam pelo lamento e pela súplica individual. Pertencem a uma coleção pré-exílica, mas concentra textos tardios, do pós-exílio. Os lugares que ocupam foram pensados estrategicamente. Os Sl 9; 10 apresentam conceitos hebraicos que identificam os/as pobres: dak, ani, ebyon. Estes/as designam pequenos/as camponeses/as livres, ainda com acesso à terra. Ao longo do antigo Israel não sofreram mudanças bruscas como categoria social, no entanto, podem assinalar-se algumas características que os/as distinguem nos períodos correspondentes ao primeiro e o segundo templo de Jerusalém. Ademais, os Sl 9; 10 apresentam palavras sinônimas que também os/as identificam: hellkah pobre/infeliz e naqi inocente . Apesar das pequenas variações dos conceitos, todos apontam à uma categoria social, com direito à apelação nos tribunais, embora com fraca influência jurídica. Essa comunidade tem identidade teológica. Javé é apresentado como o seu defensor. A espoliação no saltério é algo dramático, porque o rosto do/a pobre é o próprio rosto de Javé. A pobreza não é um assunto de espiritualidade nem de casualidade. É gerada por um sistema político-social, planejado de forma inteligente, que não permite ao povo da roça progredir como agricultor. Esse setor poderoso, nacional ou estrangeiro, é identificado nos textos, sob os conceitos: goyim nações , sorerim agressores , oyebim inimigos , raxa im injustos . O seu domínio é suportado pela violência e as armas. A ideologia dos sistemas dominantes é fundamental para a interpretação dos textos. A sociedade dos salmistas apresenta crises com relação à identidade humana. A violência e a paz se disputam os espaços. O Sl 8 mostra uma sociedade alternativa pensada a partir daquilo aparentemente fraco: as olelim crianças e os yanaqim lactantes (Sl 8,3). O grito das criancinhas, o grito dos/as oprimidos/as, unido ao grito da criação, se compara à dor de parto, com o qual inicia a vida. Trata-se de um grito que busca transformar os trajetos entortados da história. Esses são indícios da esperança que distingue a teologia dos/as pobres. Os Sl 3-7 e 11-14 continuam a apresentar a situação dos/as pobres. Às vezes, localizam-se os conceitos: ani oprimido e ebyon pobre , outras, recorre-se a novos sinônimos como has͇id fiel e sadiq justo . Esses salmos demonstram que os/as pobres estão presentes também nos textos onde tais conceitos não aparecem. As agrupações (Sl 3-7 e 11-14) são uma pausa na subunidade (Sl 3-14), não uma quebra de sentido com os Sl 8; 9 e 10. Finalmente, se localiza na sociedade dos Sl 3-14, o Modo de Produção Tributário. As teorias das ciências econômica, arqueológica, histórica, contribuem com a compreensão do universo sóciopolítico gerador de pobres.

Dinâmicas Proféticas no prólogo de Dêutero-Isaías: Exegese de Isaías 40,1-11

As dinâmicas proféticas no prólogo de Dêutero-Isaías que delineiam grande parte das linhas da mensagem apresentada em todo o bloco de Isaías 40-55 como uma introdução, é via desta pesquisa. Estas dinâmicas contêm conceitos teológicos renovados, pertinentes, e que fortaleceram o ânimo dos exilados. Para isto, o profeta usou como modelo antigas memórias fundamentais do povo hebreu. Em especial no prólogo, destacam-se o êxodo do Egito e a peregrinação no deserto, que têm seu propósito em chamar os exilados à resistência ao assédio e incorporação babilônica. Tendo em vista que, entre sucumbir aos encantos da religião e cultura babilônica, ou continuar a firmar a fé em Javé esperando a mudança da sorte, estava o drama vivido pelos exilados. O povo precisava de respostas pertinentes às suas dúvidas e é neste sentido que surge a profecia de Dêutero-Isaías combatendo a crise com esperança e movimentando à fé antes resignada. Neste sentido, a história da salvação serve como apoio e garantia para o futuro de libertação e restauração. Quando o presente não era capaz de suscitar esperança de mudanças no futuro, o profeta buscou no passado, memórias capazes de suscitarem aos exilados o desejo de servir a Javé ao invés de Marduque. Por trás desta necessidade surge o conceito de que a história do povo é o caminho pelo qual Javé escolheu para manifestar-se. No prólogo é possível perceber, como, e, o que, o profeta utilizou para levar os judaítas exilados a sentir-se verdadeiramente o povo de Deus. Foi importante fazer com que buscassem sua identidade em suas experiências de libertação do passado para que pudessem ter esperança.

PARA UMA PAZ SEM FIM : Um estudo, sócio-político e teológico, da tipologia messiânica nas perícopes de Isaías 7,10-17 e 8,23-9,6.

O ato de ungir, do qual se origina o termo messias, era um costume dos povos do Antigo Oriente Médio e foi assimilado por Israel. O Antigo Testamento, porém, reinterpretou esta unção. Ele atribuiu ao rei, num primeiro momento, o título de ungido, maxiah;. Nesta perspectiva, o rei Davi foi aquele que deu origem à mentalidade messiânica em Israel. E a respeito da teologia messiânica, o profeta Isaías tornou-se um dos seus expoentes. Ele se dirige à classe alta de Jerusalém e propõe um Ungido de Javé em substituição ao rei da casa de Davi. Isto porque, o messianismo também se tornou um movimento de resistência frente a não observância da justiça e do direito, que culmina com a ausência da paz. Nesse sentido, Isaías apresenta também uma nova percepção do messianismo, a saber, uma ruptura com a casa de Davi (7,17). Este messias não estava sob os critérios humanos de um bom rei, forte e guerreiro, mas sob a direção do Espírito de Javé. Por isso, ele poderá ser um messias criança (7,14; 9,5). Esta dissertação tem, portanto, a finalidade de percorrer o caminho do surgimento do ungido, ou do ato de se ungir, até a concepção isaiânica de messias. Esse desenvolvimento mostrará, ao final do trabalho, a tipologia messiânica apresentada pelo profeta Isaías, a partir das perícopes de 7,10-17 e 8,23-9,6.(AU)

Without a trace? The Sámi in the Swedish History Museum

Around 2005, the Swedish History Museum (SHM) in Stockholm reworked their Vikings exhibition, aiming to question simplistic and erroneous understandings of past group identities. In the process, all references to the Sámi were removed from the exhibition texts. This decision has been criticised by experts on Sámi pasts. In this article, it is argued that we can talk about a Sámi ethnic identity from the Early Iron Age onwards. The removal of references to the Sámi in the exhibition texts is discussed accordingly, as well as the implicit misrepresentations, stereotypes and majority attitudes that are conveyed through spatial distribution, choice of illustrations, lighting, colour schemes and the exhibition texts. Finally, some socio-political reasons for the avoidance of Sámi issues in Sweden are suggested, including an enduring colonialist relation to this minority.

A study of corporate social disclosures in Bangladesh

Most of the corporate social reporting (CSR) studies conducted so far have been in the context of developed countries. Very few studies are available on the CSR practices in developing countries. Given the different socio-economic context of developing countries it is argued that it is important to learn about the CSR practices in those countries. This study reports the results of a survey of CSR practices in Bangladesh. The main contribution of this paper is that in addition to measuring the extent and volume of disclosures by using content analysis, it explores the socio-political and economic context in which these disclosures take place.

The role of trust in the resource allocation process of an old university

Allocation procedures, have attracted considerable interest among higher education institutions in recent years. Relevant previous research indicates that several universities adopt different approaches to the resource allocation problem, employing models and procedures that reflect their organisational arrangements and their internal socio – political dynamics. We argue that while studying accounting processes in their organisational context, the role of trust should also be considered carefully. In particular, it is very important to consider the attitudes of the individuals involved and interacting within organisational processes, and especially the trust between them, which plays an important role to the overall good governance of these processes. In our study, the role of interpersonal trust in an old Scottish University resource allocation process is examined. The study indicates that trust is a very necessary insight to the facilitation of social structures of accountability that enhance a better governance of the resource allocation process.