Paradox between democracy and security- case study on Pakistan

Pro gradu-tutkielma tutkii demokratian ja turvallisuuden paradoksia Pakistanissa esitellen kuusi tekijää, jotka vaikuttavat kyseiseen paradoksiin. Näitä tekijöitä ovat historiallinen kehitys; eliittihallinto; taloudellinen kehitys; Pakistanin poliittisten tekijöiden demokratian eri määritelmät; opetuksen puuttuminen; ja valtataistelu hallituksen, armeijan, tiedustelupalvelun, oikeusjärjestelmän, poliittisten puolueiden sekä eri heimojen, uskonnollisten ja etnisten ryhmien välillä. Tutkimus tarkastelee myös sitä miten nämä tekijät vaikuttavat demokratian kehitykseen Pakistanissa. Keskeinen argumentti on, että länsimainen demokratia ei esiinny eikä toimi Pakistanissa vallitsevissa oloissa, etenkin historiallisen kehityksen ja ulkoisen turvallisuuden takia. Pro gradu-tutkielma käyttää sekundäärisiä lähteitä, kuten kirjoja, artikkeleita, maaraportteja, kommentaareja sekä omiin kokemuksiin perustuvia havaintoja Pakistanin matkalta 2010-2011. Keskeiset teoriat gradussa ovat Guillermo O’ Donnelin delegaattidemokratia sekä Duncan McCargon eliittihallintoteoria, jotka yhdessä selittävät historiallista kehitystä ja eliittihallinnon dynamiikkaa, mitkä johtavat paradoksiin. Kautta historian armeija on hallinnut Pakistania, ja siviilihallinto on ainoastaan neljä kertaa onnistunut olemaan vallassa, mutta silloinkin siviilihallinto päättyi korruptioväitteisiin tai armeijan vallankaappaukseen. Armeijahallinnoille on luonteenomaista hyvät suhteet USA:n, positiivinen taloudellinen kehitys ja vakaus, kun taas siviilihallinnot ovat epävakaita ja korruptoituneita. Tämä kehitys on paradoksin tausta, joka rakentuu turvallisuuspoliittisen tilanteen pohjalle eli hallitusten ja muiden tekijöiden yritykseen löytää vastapaino Intian uhalle. Tämä on ollut keskeinen huoli kelle tahansa poliittiselle päättäjälle itsenäisyydestä lähtien. Loputon valtataistelu eri poliittisten tekijöiden kesken sekä eliittihallinto pitävät yllä paradoksia, koska eliitit ovat kiinnostuneempia oman valtansa säilyttämisestä kuin kansan tahdon huomioonottamisesta. Koska valtaosa ihmisistä ei ole koulutettuja, he ovat paljolti kiinnostuneita omasta selviytymisestään, ja tämän takia sekä kansa että eliitit suosivat armeijahallintoa, koska se tuo vakautta ja taloudellista kehitystä. Sen vuoksi vallitsevissa oloissa demokratian tulevaisuus Pakistanissa näyttää huonolta, koska liberaalidemokratian vaatimukset eivät täyty puoliksi vapaan oikeussysteemin, puoliksi vapaan lehdistön, valtavan korruption ja monien ihmisoikeusloukkauksien takia unohtamatta armeijan ja tiedustelupalvelun sekaantumista siviilihallintoon.

Imaginario y realidad de la muerte de Santa María Egipciaca en el contexto castellano de la crisis del siglo XIV

Resumen: El presente trabajo se propone analizar el sentido y la funcionalidad del tema de la muerte del santo en el contexto de la crisis que afecta a Europa en el siglo XIV, a través de la muerte de Santa María Egipciaca –una de las santas medievales más populares– narrada en la Vida de Santa María Egipciaca, un poema castellano compuesto en el temprano siglo XIII pero transmitido a fines del siglo XIV en el manuscrito K-III-4 de la Biblioteca de San Lorenzo de El Escorial.

Democracias republicanas y estados fuertes : estrategia económica después de la crisis

Resumen: El artículo analiza el desarrollo económico mundial actual a partir de la crisis de las hipotecas de 2008, que perfila el fin del paradigma neoliberal. Frente a la debilidad de las democracias republicanas, los Estados fuertes propios de países emergentes y BRIC se convirtieron en el motor económico mundial. El autor examina el caso puntual de China y Rusia, los modelos centrales de los Estados fuertes, y luego estudia las estrategias desarrollistas de Brasil y Argentina. Estos casos ilustran que las nuevas formas de organización económica tienen por eje a un Estado fuerte. Observando esta realidad a la luz de la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia, se señala el riesgo que esto implica en detrimento del sistema democrático, donde el centro de la economía es el hombre.

La crisis sucesoria en las postrimerías del reinado de Alfonso VI de León y Castilla : el partido Borgoñón

Resumen: Abordamos en este trabajo algunas cuestiones referentes al problema sucesorio durante el reinado de Alfonso VI, y en concreto a la grave crisis planteada en 1103, cuando el rey, que carecía de descendencia masculina legítima, optó por su único hijo varón, habido de la princesa musulmana Zaida, como heredero. Entonces se vieron truncadas las expectativas de Raimundo de Borgoña, casado con la primogénita legítima del monarca, y, aunque en menor medida, las de Enrique de Borgoña, esposo de doña Teresa, otra hija del rey, así como en cierto modo las del abad Hugo de Cluny. Una particular atención hemos dedicado al análisis de la actitud de la alta nobleza en relación con tan conflictivo asunto, y en este sentido, creemos haber demostrado que Pedro Ansúrez encabezó al sector nobiliario contrario a las previsiones sucesorias de Alfonso VI.

La crisis de 1930 y las políticas del New Deal : un examen desde la economía y las instituciones

Resumen: La presente investigación consiste en un análisis, desde la perspectiva de la economía y las instituciones, de las políticas del New Deal, implementado por Franklin D. Roosevelt en los Estados Unidos durante la crisis económica de los años 30. Para realizar dicho análisis se presentan los elementos principales de la crisis de 1930, luego se realiza un estudio de las políticas económicas aplicadas en el contexto de un marco de gran innovación institucional, y concluye evaluando las políticas expuestas, tanto desde el enfoque de sus resultados macroeconómicos como de su desempeño institucional. De esta manera el presente documento incluye un diagnóstico histórico del contexto norteamericano en aquel entonces y resalta los aspectos que motivaron a dicha administración a la aplicación de New Deal. Finalmente, se realiza un análisis del impacto macroeconómico de las políticas aplicadas. La conclusión sintetiza las principales enseñanzas de la experiencia desde la perspectiva de política económica y del diseño de la regulación, para concluir con algunas reflexiones acerca de su posible implementación en la actualidad.

A imagem pública do Congresso: uma análise político-midiática

Traz um estudo sobre como e por que a imagem pública do Congresso Nacional pode ser vista como cronicamente negativa no senso comum, nas sondagens de opinião pública e nas representações da mídia informativa, bem como nas percepções dos atores políticos. Com esse objetivo, além da síntese de reflexões teóricas que podem ser relacionadas ao campo interdisciplinar da comunicação política, foi realizada uma série de entrevistas qualitativas com 20% dos parlamentares que formavam a Câmara dos Deputados na Legislatura 2003/2007. Embora as conclusões apontem para uma forte conexão entre tal imagem negativa, recorrentes escândalos políticos e questões institucionais de caráter estrutural e conjuntural, há também nesse contexto uma insuficiência de pluralismo político e social que revela um problema maior e mais complexo: a crise da democracia representativa - pois as organizações da sociedade civil não dispõem de canais adequados de participação que permitam a representação equilibrada de suas demandas tanto na mídia quanto no campo político parlamentar.

Multirating decision model validation: the relevance of the quality of the securitization issues

Rating enables the information asymmetry existing in the issuer-investor relationship to be reduced, particularly for issues with a high degree of complexity, as is the case of securitizations. However, there may be a serious conflict of interest between the issuer’s choice and remuneration of the agency and the credit rating awarded, resulting in lower quality and information power of the published rating. In this paper, we propose an explicative model of the number of ratings requested, by analyzing the relevance of the number of ratings to measure the reliability, where multirating is shown to be associated to the quality, size, liquidity and the degree of information asymmetry relating to the issue. Thus, we consider that the regulatory changes that foster the widespread publication of simultaneous ratings could help to alleviate the problem of rating model arbitrage and the crisis of confidence in credit ratings in general and in the securitization issues, in particular.

Statistical and econometric analysis of the treatment of HIV/AIDS

The epidemic of HIV/AIDS in the United States is constantly changing and evolving, starting from patient zero to now an estimated 650,000 to 900,000 Americans infected. The nature and course of HIV changed dramatically with the introduction of antiretrovirals. This discourse examines many different facets of HIV from the beginning where there wasn't any treatment for HIV until the present era of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART). By utilizing statistical analysis of clinical data, this paper examines where we were, where we are and projections as to where treatment of HIV/AIDS is headed.

Chapter Two describes the datasets that were used for the analyses. The primary database utilized was collected by myself from an outpatient HIV clinic. The data included dates from 1984 until the present. The second database was from the Multicenter AIDS Cohort Study (MACS) public dataset. The data from the MACS cover the time between 1984 and October 1992. Comparisons are made between both datasets.

Chapter Three discusses where we were. Before the first anti-HIV drugs (called antiretrovirals) were approved, there was no treatment to slow the progression of HIV. The first generation of antiretrovirals, reverse transcriptase inhibitors such as AZT (zidovudine), DDI (didanosine), DDC (zalcitabine), and D4T (stavudine) provided the first treatment for HIV. The first clinical trials showed that these antiretrovirals had a significant impact on increasing patient survival. The trials also showed that patients on these drugs had increased CD4+ T cell counts. Chapter Three examines the distributions of CD4 T cell counts. The results show that the estimated distributions of CD4 T cell counts are distinctly non-Gaussian. Thus distributional assumptions regarding CD4 T cell counts must be taken, into account when performing analyses with this marker. The results also show the estimated CD4 T cell distributions for each disease stage: asymptomatic, symptomatic and AIDS are non-Gaussian. Interestingly, the distribution of CD4 T cell counts for the asymptomatic period is significantly below that of the CD4 T cell distribution for the uninfected population suggesting that even in patients with no outward symptoms of HIV infection, there exists high levels of immunosuppression.

Chapter Four discusses where we are at present. HIV quickly grew resistant to reverse transcriptase inhibitors which were given sequentially as mono or dual therapy. As resistance grew, the positive effects of the reverse transcriptase inhibitors on CD4 T cell counts and survival dissipated. As the old era faded a new era characterized by a new class of drugs and new technology changed the way that we treat HIV-infected patients. Viral load assays were able to quantify the levels of HIV RNA in the blood. By quantifying the viral load, one now had a faster, more direct way to test antiretroviral regimen efficacy. Protease inhibitors, which attacked a different region of HIV than reverse transcriptase inhibitors, when used in combination with other antiretroviral agents were found to dramatically and significantly reduce the HIV RNA levels in the blood. Patients also experienced significant increases in CD4 T cell counts. For the first time in the epidemic, there was hope. It was hypothesized that with HAART, viral levels could be kept so low that the immune system as measured by CD4 T cell counts would be able to recover. If these viral levels could be kept low enough, it would be possible for the immune system to eradicate the virus. The hypothesis of immune reconstitution, that is bringing CD4 T cell counts up to levels seen in uninfected patients, is tested in Chapter Four. It was found that for these patients, there was not enough of a CD4 T cell increase to be consistent with the hypothesis of immune reconstitution.

In Chapter Five, the effectiveness of long-term HAART is analyzed. Survival analysis was conducted on 213 patients on long-term HAART. The primary endpoint was presence of an AIDS defining illness. A high level of clinical failure, or progression to an endpoint, was found.

Chapter Six yields insights into where we are going. New technology such as viral genotypic testing, that looks at the genetic structure of HIV and determines where mutations have occurred, has shown that HIV is capable of producing resistance mutations that confer multiple drug resistance. This section looks at resistance issues and speculates, ceterus parabis, where the state of HIV is going. This section first addresses viral genotype and the correlates of viral load and disease progression. A second analysis looks at patients who have failed their primary attempts at HAART and subsequent salvage therapy. It was found that salvage regimens, efforts to control viral replication through the administration of different combinations of antiretrovirals, were not effective in 90 percent of the population in controlling viral replication. Thus, primary attempts at therapy offer the best change of viral suppression and delay of disease progression. Documentation of transmission of drug-resistant virus suggests that the public health crisis of HIV is far from over. Drug resistant HIV can sustain the epidemic and hamper our efforts to treat HIV infection. The data presented suggest that the decrease in the morbidity and mortality due to HIV/AIDS is transient. Deaths due to HIV will increase and public health officials must prepare for this eventuality unless new treatments become available. These results also underscore the importance of the vaccine effort.

The final chapter looks at the economic issues related to HIV. The direct and indirect costs of treating HIV/AIDS are very high. For the first time in the epidemic, there exists treatment that can actually slow disease progression. The direct costs for HAART are estimated. It is estimated that the direct lifetime costs for treating each HIV infected patient with HAART is between $353,000 to $598,000 depending on how long HAART prolongs life. If one looks at the incremental cost per year of life saved it is only $101,000. This is comparable with the incremental costs per year of life saved from coronary artery bypass surgery.

Policy makers need to be aware that although HAART can delay disease progression, it is not a cure and HIV is not over. The results presented here suggest that the decreases in the morbidity and mortality due to HIV are transient. Policymakers need to be prepared for the eventual increase in AIDS incidence and mortality. Costs associated with HIV/AIDS are also projected to increase. The cost savings seen recently have been from the dramatic decreases in the incidence of AIDS defining opportunistic infections. As patients who have been on HAART the longest start to progress to AIDS, policymakers and insurance companies will find that the cost of treating HIV/AIDS will increase.

Descripción de empresas en crisis financiera: el caso de Argentina en las décadas del 1990 y 2000

[ES]Las investigaciones sobre la predicción de quiebras empresariales que se han venido dando en los últimos cincuenta años han indicado que la crisis financiera de las empresas ha sido y es un tema de preocupación en el mundo, también en Argentina. El horizonte de análisis de este trabajo comprende dos períodos de estabilidad económica en la década de 1990 y la del 2000, con la intención de comparar los indicadores financieros que explican la crisis empresarial en cada uno de ellos. De esta manera, se procura continuar con el aporte de evidencia empírica en esta línea de investigación, mediante el análisis de los indicadores, que según la literatura, influyen en el pronóstico de riesgo de crisis financiera. Estos estudios descriptivos previos a los inferenciales pueden ser replicados en otras economías emergentes, como herramienta de diagnostico de la vulnerabilidad financiera de las empresas.

A Venezuela contemporânea: do antineoliberalismo ao anticapitalismo? Uma formação social em disputa hegemônica

A retomada do processo de acumulação de capital no pós-crise dos anos 1970 demandou profundas alterações no capitalismo mundial, que se traduziram, fundamentalmente, em uma nova estratégia (autointitulada) de desenvolvimento que disputasse a hegemonia teórica, ideológica, política e econômica com o keynesianismo. Esta nova estratégia, denominada neoliberal (e o receituário de políticas dela resultante) foi amplamente difundida nos países da periferia do capitalismo mundial. O neoliberalismo, por um lado, mostrou-se incapaz de retomar o crescimento/desenvolvimento econômico com distribuição de renda e, por outro lado, aprofundou a dependência dos países periféricos em relação aos centros do capitalismo mundial, pela via da intensificação da superexploração da força de trabalho. Nesse contexto, ao final do século XX, se estabeleceu uma crise do neoliberalismo (ainda que não se trate de uma derrota) que, em grandes linhas, colocou em xeque tais políticas e teve, como consequência, a subida ao poder de vários governos na região latino-americana que foram eleitos a partir do descontentamento social com seus resultados. Na Venezuela, mais especificamente, o projeto de transformações proposto para o país no pós-1999 é manifestação de rechaço ao neoliberalismo. Como o cenário histórico para compreensão dos conflitos, que resultaram na constituição de um projeto de sociedade anti-hegemônico na Venezuela (a hegemonia do povo) nos últimos anos, remonta ao marco da inserção do país no capitalismo dependente e periférico, é possível afirmar que as transformações pós-1999 transitaram da constituição de um projeto antineoliberal para uma proposta anticapitalista (o chamado Socialismo do Século XXI). Esse projeto de transformações não está, entretanto, isento de contradições e limites (internos e externos). Em que pese essa afirmação, o capítulo mais recente da trajetória histórica de constituição da sociedade venezuelana possui inequívocos avanços, capitaneados pelo papel central que assume o Estado. Este, ao retomar o efetivo controle sobre os recursos petroleiros em benefício da maioria da população, promove progressos em direção a consolidação da soberania nacional, da justiça social e também da constituição de uma democracia participativa e protagônica.

As práticas de participação institucionalizadas e sua interface com a cultura política: um olhar sobre o cotidiano de um conselho municipal de saúde no nordeste brasileiro

A Constituição federal e a Lei 8.142/90 definem a participação da comunidade como condição necessária para o funcionamento do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Tal definição constitucional surge no processo de l uta pela democratização do país e pela universalização dos direitos sociais, entre eles, o direito à saúde. Todavia, esse processo de democratização tem significado mais a adoção de procedimentos democráticos para organização do sistema político do que uma efetiva democratização das relações sociais pautadas pelos valores democráticos de igualdade e justiça social. No Brasil, a relação entre Estado e sociedade tem sido mediada por uma cultura política marcada pelo autoritarismo, patrimonialismo, clientelismo e o favor. Com o processo de democratização, na década de 1980, emergem elementos de uma nova cultura política adjetivada como democrática orientada pelos valores da autonomia, igualdade, solidariedade e justiça que passa a coexistir com a velha cultura. O objetivo geral deste estudo é analisar as práticas de participação presentes no Conselho Municipal de Saúde (CMS) de Fortaleza, no período de 1997-2005, e sua relação com a cultura política local. Para tanto partiu-se do principal pressuposto teórico: as práticas de participação exercidas nos conselhos de saúde inauguram uma nova institucionalidade que inclui novos sujeitos sociais os usuários na esfera pública, com as quais o processo de democratização amplia essa esfera, criando visibilidade para identificar o confronto entre a cultura política tradicional e a cultura política democrática. As técnicas de pesquisa utilizadas foram: a análise documental, a observação participante e a entrevista semiestruturada. A partir das diferentes evidências observadas no material empírico, identificou -se na análise dos dados a predominância da cultura política tradicional do autoritarismo e cooptação nas relações entre o poder público municipal e os representantes da sociedade civil ; e entre os conselheiros a tensão se manifestava na não-observância dos procedimentos democráticos, como eleições periódicas, respeito à lei e ao regimento que regula o funcionamento do CMS e no encaminhamento dos conflitos e disputas políticas. Quanto às práticas de participação, manifestaram-se de forma contraditória e dialética em ações caracterizadas pela crítica, denúncia, reivindicação, com poucas ações propositivas e na maioria das vezes tendo seu poder deliberativo desconsiderado pelo gestor. A condução política do conselho muitas vezes foi questionada, ocasionando crises de hegemonia e gerando conflitos e disputas pelo poder. A partir da análise desses conflitos e disputas políticas entre os grupos no interior do Conselho, tornou-se possível realizar uma leitura metódica acerca do confronto entre a cultura política tradicional e a democrática no CMS, constatando-se a predominância da primeira sobre a segunda. Por fim verificou-se o protagonismo do Ministério Público na resolução dos conflitos, em detrimento da força do melhor argumento. Em que pese a recorrente tutela do Ministério Público, foi pavimentado um caminho de resistências, ainda que minoritárias , contra a cultura política tradicional , cujas práticas de participação apresentam elementos constituintes para a sua transformação.

Releitura sistêmico-teórica das relações entre direito, política e economia: a crise de 2008 como ponto de inflexão para a emergência do constitucionalismo societal

O trabalho busca na teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann, tal como desenvolvida por Gunther Teubner, Marcelo Neves e outros doutrinadores, elementos para explicar as relações entre os subsistemas jurídico, político e econômico na sociedade contemporânea. Com base nas ferramentas teóricas obtidas, revisa o conceito de constituição econômica como a relação de acoplamento estrutural entre o direito e a economia, e a Constituição do Estado como a relação de acoplamento estrutural entre o direito e a política. As crises econômicas são então explicadas pelas tendências inflacionárias na produção de símbolos e pelos choques entre racionalidades sistêmicas parciais. A crise de 2008 consolida a constatação de que a globalização restringe a capacidade de influência da política e do direito sobre o sistema econômico desterritorializado. Em vista disso, propõe-se a adoção da teoria do constitucionalismo societal de Teubner como proposta para a democracia no século XXI; através dela, é possível reconhecer a constitucionalização no interior de cada subsistema social e o desenvolvimento de foros de razão pública internos, nos quais a política pode ser desenvolvida de forma autônoma em relação à política institucionalizada do Estado. Finalmente, vê-se como o combate à crise econômica invariavelmente redesenha os papéis dos Poderes de Estado, reconhecendo certa liberdade ao Executivo, embora isso não signifique ausência de quaisquer freios e contrapesos.

An analysis of political efficacy socialisation among threshold voters in the Republic of Ireland

The spread of democracy in the latter part of the twenty first century has been accompanied by an increasing focus on its perceived performance in established western democracies. Recent literature has expressed concern about a critical outlook among younger cohorts which threatens their political support and engagement. Political efficacy, referring to the feeling of political effectiveness, is considered to be a key indicator of the performance of democratic politics; as it refers to the empowerment of citizens, and relates to their willingness to engage in political matters. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the socialisation of political efficacy among those on the threshold of political adulthood; i.e., 'threshold voters'. The long-term significance of attitudes developed by time of entry to adulthood for political engagement during adulthood has been emphasised in recent literature. By capturing the effect of non-political and political learning among threshold voters, the study advances existing research frames which focus on childhood and early adolescent socialisation. The theoretical and methodological framework applied herein recognises the distinction between internal and external political efficacy, which has not been consistently operationalized in existing research on efficacy socialisation. This research involves a case study of 'threshold voters' in the Republic of Ireland, and employs a quantitative methodology. A study on Irish threshold voters is timely as the parliament and government have recently proposed a lowering of the voting age and an expansion of formal political education to this age group. A project-specific survey instrument was developed and administered to a systematic stratified sample of 1,042 post-primary students in the Cork area. Interpretation of the results of statistical analysis leads to findings on the divergent influence of family, school, associational, and political agents/environments on threshold voter internal and external political efficacy.

From the demise of theory to its resurgence. A retrospective on the postmodern turn to rethink the 'desire for narrative' and the sublime untimeliness of emancipation

Cultural Marxist Theory, commonly known as theory, enjoyed a moment of extraordinary success in the 1970s, when the works of leading post-war French philosophers were published in English. After relocating to Anglophone academia, however, theory disavowed its original concerns and lost its ambition to understand the world as a whole, becoming the play of heterogeneities associated with postcolonialism, multiculturalism and identity politics, commonly referred to as postmodern theory. This turn, which took place during a period that seemed to have spelt the death of Marxism, the 1990s, induced many of its supporters to engage in an ongoing funeral wake designating the merits of theory and dreaming its resurgence. According to them, had theory been resurrected in historical circumstances completely different from those which had led to its rise, it would have never reacquired the significance that had originally connoted it. This thesis demonstrates how theory has survived its demise and entirely regained its prominence in our socio-political context marked by the effects of the latest crisis of capitalism and by the global threat of terrorisms rooted in messianic eschatologies. In its current form theory does no longer need to show allegiance to certain intellectual stances or political groupings in order to produce important reformulations of the projects it once gave life to. Though less overtly radical and epistemologically bounded, theory remains a necessary form of enquiry justified by the political commitment which originated it in the first place. Its voice continues to speak to us about justice ‘where it is not yet, not yet there, where it is no longer’ (Derrida, 1993, XVIII).

Shifting Loyalties: World War I and the Conflicted Politics of Patriotism in the British Caribbean

This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty.

To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era.

This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region.

This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.