Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os cursos da governabilidade no presidencialismo da catalização

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

Tecendo os fios de rede: juventude e produção de si em projetos sociais.

The study is about youthful subjectivities in quarters, of the West Zone of Natal-RN, marked for lacks and contingencies that constitute the everyday life of the social existence of its young inhabitants. For this purpose the researchers selected two youth groups: the Association of Youths Constructing Dreams (in the quarter of Felipe Camarão) and Lelo Melodia Crew (Quarter of Guarapes). Both are articulated through the strategy of coalition in regional and national nets. The hypothesis is that inside the groups and nets new youthful citizens arises. That would be a change in the representation of poor youth: from 1980 s street children - young whose social stigma associated poverty and crime to late 1990 s kids of project (pointing their trajectory in social projects) or, in present days, called as young peripherals - for the enrollment in cultural movements, as the hip hop movement - These new young citizens are contributing to new social imagery significations on poor youths. The methodology encloses: a) focal group; b) participant research analyzing the making arts (ways to think, social daily practices, actions engaged in a diversity plans) of youth groups; c) life stories of some of the youngs produced in workshops; d) not structuralized interviews. d) several documents of the groups; e) local and national surveys. Results emphasize a feeling of opening to a project of autonomy in relation to a social system that leaves them in a situation of social precariousness. Conclusion remarks that such practices of the youthful groups through the art, leisure, sport and culture unfold politics effect so that can point innovative forms of politics participation on the part of this specific segment of poor youths of Brasilian country, although conflicts and paradoxes crosses individual citizens, youth groups and youth nets.

A gestão participativa em administrações municipais:as experiências de Natal e Maceió

Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration

A eficiência do gasto e da qualidade da saúde pública: uma análise nos municípios do estado do Rio Grande do Norte (2004 e 2008)

The overall objective of this study is to analyze the efficiency in the use of resources and the quality of public health in the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte, from 2004 to 2008. It also seeks to identify the determinants of municipal inefficiency and measure the productivity of public spending on health. To this end, three methods of analysis are used: the DEA, the Malmquist index and the Tobit regression model. Among other findings, it appears that municipalities considered more inefficient in the measurement of expenditure on health make the largest expense in this function. On the other hand, from 2004 to 2008, only 13 municipalities showed an increase in the productivity of public spending. It is also noted that municipalities considered efficient in quality of health, although having more physical and human resources, offer fewer health services to the population. In all, the major determinants of health spending inefficiencies are the variables: age of the mayor, coalition, population density, literacy race and budget revenues. Regarding the inefficiency of the health quality, variables such as: coalition, literacy race have strong influence on this behavior. Thereby, the hypotheses proposed by the study have been fully accepted. In other words, for the efficiency of the quality and health spending it is needed more than resources, i.e., the expenditure shows itself as essential, but not enough, for political and economic aspects also interfere with the performance of spent and in the quality of health care offered to the population

Analysis of chromatin and nuclear area alterations in triatomines during starvation

In the present study changes in nuclear area and chromatin distribution in the Malpighian tubules of a blood-feeding insect, the vector of Chagas' disease were analysed. Male and female adult insects were dissected, after a starving period of up to 28 days. The Malpighian tubules were fixed and stained by orcein lacto-acetic. The nuclei were analyzed by photomicrography, karyometry and a statistical analysis was performed. It was observed that with the increase of the starvation period there were alterations in the nuclear phenotype, that is, changes in the nuclear area and chromatin extenuation. In males, starting from the second week of starvation, chromatin extenuation was accentuated, and the beginning of nuclear coalition occurred more frequently in the third and fourth starvation weeks. In females, the accentuated chromatin extenuation was observed after the third starvation week, and irregularities in nuclear borders were more frequent. The descriptive statistical analysis of the male and temale nuclear areas revealed that the nuclear areas continued to increase during starvation reaching highest values in the third week. Another outstanding aspect is that in the third starvation week karyometry presented larger heterogeneity with higher standard deviation values for both genders. Therefore, nuclear alterations related to the distribution and extenuation chromatin and increase in nuclear area were observed. These aspects suggest the presence of nuclear metabolic mechanisms that lead to synthesis of specific proteins necessary for the protection and maintenance of the cell during physiologic stress.

A relação entre modernização neoliberal e práticas políticas atrasadas no Brasil dos anos 1990

Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

From capital surges to drought: seeking stability for emerging economies

Includes bibliography

A atuação do Brasil no regime internacional de mudanças climáticas de 1995 a 2004

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Gender and HIV/AIDS

This issue of Gender Dialogue focuses on Gender and HIV/AIDS. It highlights the main findings of a gender assessment of policies and programmes in selected Caribbean countries carried out by the ECLAC subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean in collaboration with UNIFEM. It also coincides with the launch of the Regional Coalition on Women and AIDS in November 2005.

Partidos na comissão mista de planos, orçamentos públicos e fiscalização (2006-2010)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A unidade política das esquerdas no Uruguai: das primeiras experiências à Frente Ampla (1958-1973)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Governos de gabinete e coalizões cíclicas no ultrapresidencialismo estadual: a experiência no Amazonas

OBJETIVO – O propósito de minha pesquisa é analisar os mecanismos que estruturam os governos de gabinete e as coalizões cíclicas no ultrapresidencialismo estadual do Amazonas. Em outras palavras, tenho como foco explicar a lógica do sucesso do governador, de sua coalizão legislativa e de seu gabinete na constituição de uma rede de superdominância nas arenas eleitoral, parlamentar e executiva. PERÍODO – Neste estudo de caso, analiso quatro administrações de três governadores do Amazonas: Gilberto Mestrinho (1991-1994), Amazonino Mendes (1995-1998 e 1999-2002) e Eduardo Braga (2003-2006); e quatro legislaturas da Assembleia Legislativa (ALEAM). TEORIA – Como orientação teórica, uso as contribuições da teoria da escolha pública e da análise institucional. Parto da premissa de que o governador joga tentando maximizar sua renda de utilidade dentro de uma dada estrutura institucional (permeada pela lógica do gubernatorial coattails) que incentiva a interação estratégica cooperativa e durável entre os principais jogadores (governador, deputados estaduais, secretários e cidadãos-eleitores) em múltiplas arenas decisórias. METODOLOGIA – Primeiramente, utilizo o banco de dados do Laboratório de Estudos Experimentais (LEEX) para montar um mapa da dinâmica eleitoral, partidária e parlamentar recente. Depois, trabalho com o banco de dados da Assembleia Legislativa do Amazonas para verificar a organização da produção legislativa (os projetos de lei ordinária aprovados) e a eficácia da coalizão partidário-parlamentar do governador. Finalmente, manuseio o meu próprio banco de dados sobre a rotatividade do secretariado e, por conseguinte, aplico e calculo o índice de coalescência para estimar os níveis de proporcionalidade dos governos de gabinetes ultrapresidenciais. CONCLUSÃO E RESULTADOS – Os governadores acumulam o monopólio do poder de agenda decisória do Executivo e controlam com muita eficiência a agenda do Legislativo; além do mais distribuem recursos de patronagem como incentivos seletivos para os seus aliados nos jogos em múltiplas arenas. Como consequência, cheguei à conclusão de que a formação de maiorias no contexto do ultrapresidencialismo estadual se realiza, por um lado, pelo surgimento de coalizões cíclicas de amplo apoio partidário na arena legislativa; e, por outro, pela edificação de governos de gabinete com a participação pendular de parlamentares, partidários e especialistas.

Comunicação e identidade: apropriação e estratégias do Movimento Xingu Vivo para Sempre em reação à Hidrelétrica de Belo Monte

Existe uma trajetória de ação coletiva na Amazônia Brasileira que tem na busca pela compreensão e reconhecimento de seu discurso a afirmação de seus modos de vida e racionalidade. Essa ação coletiva, representada pelo Movimento Xingu Vivo para Sempre (MXVPS), coalizão de organizações que personificam na hidrelétrica de Belo Monte seu símbolo máximo de oposição, busca a compreensão e reconhecimento de seu discurso por meio da apropriação sobre ferramentas de comunicação, particularmente a internet e seus aparatos tecnológicos, e da cultura da mídia (KELLNER, 200l), com todos seus ícones de poder e formatação de culturas e identidades na contemporaneidade. O processo de apropriação empreendido pelo MXVPS não se dá de maneira fortuita, mas apresenta um modus operandi, uma ação de reconhecer os “adversários”, apropriar-se deles estrategicamente e fazê-los, a partir da mediação, da cultura e da identidade, transformarem-se em outra coisa, em outros sentidos, agora úteis à luta contra-hegemônica por reconhecimento. O MXVPS engendra sua ação a partir: 1) da própria história dos grupos que integram o coletivo, uma história de violações de direitos e silenciamento diante do quadro geral de influência societária; 2) das representações e significações de suas identidades, sobretudo no cenário nacional e internacional, e 3) a percepção destes grupos de seu entorno político para obter resultados da ação. As conclusões de pesquisa apontam para a existência de uma trajetória de comunicação paradigmática na Amazônia em reação a um grande projeto de desenvolvimento, com metodologias específicas pautadas em atos discursivos e identidade. São estratégias que pretendem, por meio de Ação Comunicativa (HABERMAS, 1987) voltada ao entendimento mútuo, tornar válidas pretensões e discursos, levando ao reconhecimento e, potencialmente, ao atendimento de suas reivindicações. Essa ação, empreendida por meio de atos comunicativos, tem ainda o potencial de estruturação do espaço público, na perspectiva de uma luta (protagônica) para se inserir (não mais como grupo historicamente marginal, mas como ator emancipado de seus desejos e pretensões) no conflituoso espaço de decisão política, incidindo sobre mudanças sociais e políticas (e, em potencial, normativas) que afetem seus territórios, identidades e modos de reprodução material e simbólica.

O clientelismo político no Brasil contemporâneo: algumas razões de sua sobrevivência

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Os momentos maquiavelianos no Brasil e as camadas do poder: do pacto político popular-democrático ao rentista financista

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)