824 resultados para Student Government Association


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This paper focusses on attracting and retaining young people into technical disciplines. It introduces a new model of technical education from age 14 that the UK Government initiated in 2008. A concept of University led Technical Colleges (UTCs) for 14-19 year olds. These state supported schools, sponsored by a University, have technical curricula, technologically enabled learning environments and strong engagement with employers. As new schools they have been able to recruit outstanding staff that are conversant with the use of technology to enhance learning and all students have their own iPads. The Aston University Engineering Academy opened in September 2012 and a recent survey of staff, students and parents has provided both qualitative and quantitative data on the benefits to motivation and learning of these embedded iPads. The devices have also had advantages for the management of data on student achievement from a leadership, teaching staff and parental view point.

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This study has been conceived with the primary objective of identifying and evaluating the financial aspects of the transformation in country/company relations of the international oil industry from the traditional concessionary system to the system of governmental participation in the ownership and operation of oil concessions. The emphasis of the inquiry was placed on assembling a case study of the oil exploitation arrangements of Libya. Through a comprehensive review of the literature, the sociopolitical factors surrounding the international oil business were identified and examined in an attempt to see their influence on contractual arrangements and particularly to gauge the impact of any induced contractual changes on the revenue benefit accruing to the host country from its oil operations. Some comparative analyses were made in the study to examine the viability of the Libyan participation deals both as an investment proposal and as a system of conducting oil activities in the country. The analysis was carried out in the light of specific hypotheses to assess the relative impact of the participation scheme in comparison with the alternative concessionary model on the net revenue resulting to the government from oil operations and the relative effect on the level of research and development within the industry. A discounted cash flow analysis was conducted to measure inputs and outputs of the comparative models and judge their revenue benefits. Then an empirical analysis was carried out to detect any significant behavioural changes in the exploration and development effort associated with the different oil exploitation systems. Results of the investigation of revenues support the argument that the mere introduction of the participation system has not resulted in a significant revenue benefit to the host government. Though there has been a significant increase in government revenue, associated with the period following the emergence of the participation agreements, this increase was mainly due to socio-economic factors other than the participation scheme. At the same time the empirical results have shown an association of the participation scheme with a decline of the oil industry's research and development efforts.

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The majority of research on the pharmaceutical sector has focused on an overall micro economic, medical oriented welfare issues, whereas the marketing management role of the innovative drug manufacturer has to a large extent been disregarded. Using the case of Turkey, through a series of in-depth interviews with highly innovative companies, other marketing management possibilities are explored based on broader definitions of value and transparency. Our results suggest that pharmaceutical companies as well as the government might have a too narrow focus of value and underestimate the potential long term benefits of a broader approach to marketing management and long term relationships between the various stakeholders.

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Report published in the Proceedings of the National Conference on "Education and Research in the Information Society", Plovdiv, May, 2014

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Report published in the Proceedings of the National Conference on "Education and Research in the Information Society", Plovdiv, May, 2014

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Az állam szerepe napjainkban átalakulóban van, ami az egyes gazdasági területeken más és más szabályozórendszer alkalmazását igényli a szakterület sajátosságainak és az iparág igényeinek, nemzetközi környezetének megfelelően. A turizmus azon gazdasági területek közé tartozik, amelynek szerepe az elmúlt időszakban dinamikusan növekedett, többek között jelentős bruttó hazai termék-előállító, munkaigényes jellegéből, valamint jelentős beruházást gerjesztő hatásából adódóan. A turizmus mint üzleti tevékenység nem nélkülözheti az állam szerepét. Számos olyan externália társul hozzá, ami államilag koordinált esetben a fejlődést magasabb pályára állítja, és társadalmilag hatékonyabb szinten valósul meg. Napjainkban az állam szerepének újraértelmezése, feladatainak újbóli átgondolása és a megfelelő súlypontok megtalálása elengedhetetlenül szükséges annak érdekében, hogy a turizmus pozitív hatásai hosszú távon érvényesüljenek. _______________ Nowadays the role of the government is changing, which needs the usage of different regulatory systems regarding the requirements of the industry and the international environment. Tourism belongs to the economics fields which importance are growing very rapidly because of its effects such as GDP contribution effect, workforce effect and investment exciting effect. Tourism as a business activity needs the significant role of the government. Tourism is in association with a lot of externalise, therefore can secure the coordination of the state the development and the efficiency at a higher level. Nowadays the rethinking of the task of the government is needed on the field of tourism in the interest of the enforcement of its positive effects.

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This paper examines the history of U.S. interventions in Latin America and attempts to explain their frequency by highlighting two factors – besides security and economic interests – that have made American interventions in Latin America so common. First, immense differences in size and influence between the United States and the States of Latin America have made interventions appear to be a low risk solution to crises that threaten American interests in the region. Second, when U.S government concerns and aspirations for Latin America converge with the general fears and aspirations of American foreign policy, interventions become much more likely. Such a convergence pushes Latin American issues high up the U.S. foreign policy agenda because of the region’s proximity to the United States and the perception that costs of intervening are low. The leads proponents of intervention to begin asking questions like “if we cannot stop communism/revolutions/drug-trafficking in Latin America, where can we stop it?” This article traces how these factors influenced the decision to intervene in Latin America during the era of Dollar Diplomacy and during the Cold War. It concludes with three possible scenarios that could lead to a reemergence of an American interventionist policy in Latin America. It makes the argument that even though the United Sates has not intervened in Latin America during the twenty-two years, it is far from clear that American interventions in Latin America will be consigned to the past.

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Several factors can increase or decrease military-economic involvement in communist regimes. This anomalous form of military behavior, labeled as the Military Business Complex (MBC), emerged in various communist regimes in the 1980s. However, in early 2000s, the communist governments of China and Vietnam began to decrease the number of military-managed industries, while similar industries increased in Cuba. This paper explains why military industries in Cuba have increased over the last two decades, while they decreased in the Chinese and Vietnamese examples. This question is answered by comparatively testing two hypotheses: the Communist Party and the Bureaucratic-Authoritarian (BA) Hypotheses. The Communist Party hypotheses helps explain how the historical and current structures of Party oversight of the military have been lacking in strength and reliability in Cuba, while they traditionally have been more robust in China and Vietnam. The BA hypotheses helps explain how, due to the lack of a strong civilian institutional oversight, the Cuban military has grown into a bureaucratic entity with many political officers holding autonomous positions of power, an outcome that is not prevalent in the Chinese and Vietnamese examples. Thus, with the establishment of a bureaucratic military government and with the absence of a strong party oversight, the Cuban military has been able to protect its economic endeavors while the Chinese and Vietnamese MBC regimes have contracted.