963 resultados para Revolution of April 25, dictatorship, democracy, freedom of expression
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For a number of years following the Orange revolution of 2004, Ukraine aspired to join the European Union. Although full integration was never a short-term prospect, European integration, through the Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, offers considerable benefits to Ukraine. However, the country was severely affected by the Great Slump of 2008–9 in the global economy, and this profoundly negative experience has shaped Ukrainian domestic and foreign policy in the subsequent period, putting paid to aspirations to EU membership and influencing the Ukrainian government's decision to seek a closer relationship with Russia immediately following the presidential election of 2010. Nevertheless, closer relations with Russia should not adversely affect Ukraine's efforts at EU integration.
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The decade since 1979 has seen the most rapid introduction of microelectronic technology in the workplace. In particular, the scope offered for the application of this new technology to the area of white collar work has meant that it is a sector where trade unions have been confronted with major challenges. However the application of this technology has also provided trade unions with opportunities for exerting influence to reshape traditional attitudes to both industrial relations and the nature of work. Recent academic research on the trade union response to the introduction of new technology at the workplace suggests that, despite the resources and apparent sophistication of modern trade unions, they have not in general been able to take advantage of the opportunities offered during this period of radical technological change,the argument being that this is due both to structural weaknesses and the inappropriateness of the system of collective bargaining where new technology issues are concerned. Despite the significance of the Public Sector in employment terms, research into the response of public sector white collar trade unions to technological change has been fairly limited. This thesis sets out the approach of the National and Local Government Officers Association (NALGO), the largest solely white collar union in the world with over three quarters of a million members employed in a wide range of public service industries. The thesis examines NALGO's response at national level and, through detailed case studies, at local level in respect of Local Government and Water Industry NALGO members. The response is then evaluated and conclusions drawn in terms of a framework based upon an assessment of the key factors relevant in judging the ability of NALGO to respond effectively to the challenges brought about by the technological revolution of the last ten years.
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La música se convirtió en los años setenta en el medio para encauzar la oposición al régimen franquista y la incertidumbre ante la transición. Del ejemplo y la fascinación con la revolución cubana, a la oposición a las dictaduras chilena (1973), uruguaya (1974) y argentina (1976), todos ellos fueron hechos que en España se vivieron como propios. En esos años los cantautores españoles reivindicaban la libertad de expresión y el final de todas las dictaduras. Sin embargo, la música española comienza a transformar su mirada hacia Latinoamérica cuando la democracia es un hecho. Se representa ahora un nuevo espacio latinoamericano que me propongo caracterizar en este artículo, y a través del caso concreto de Joaquín Sabina, como "post-colonial".The music in the seventies became the vehicle for channeling opposition to the regime and the uncertainty of the transition. From the example and the fascination with the Cuban revolution, opposition to the dictatorships in Chile (1973), Uruguay (1974) and Argentina (1976), they were all events that were lived in Spain as their own. In those years the Spanish songwriters claiming freedom of expression and end of all dictatorships. However, the Spanish music begins to turn their attention to Latin America where democracy is a fact. It is now a new Latin American space I propose to characterize in this article, and through the specific case of Joaquin Sabina, as "post-colonial".J A brief survey of style to your work reflects his role as poet cult following in the wake of Herrera or Gongora, as did Antequerana School, aims to upgrade from his vivid descriptions, his Christian ideas and a lyrical formal mannerisms full of clichés.
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Questions whether the focus on freedom of expression under the Defamation Act 2013 could undermine the value of corporate reputation as a commercial asset.
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This paper considers the impact of new media on freedom of expression and media freedom within the context of the European Convention on Human Rights and European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence. Through comparative analysis of US jurisprudence and scholarship, this paper deals with the following three issues. First, it explores the traditional purpose of the media, and how media freedom, as opposed to freedom of expression, has been subject to privileged protection, within an ECHR context at least. Secondly, it considers the emergence of new media, and how it can be differentiated from the traditional media. Finally, it analyses the philosophical justifications for freedom of expression, and how they enable a workable definition of the media based upon the concept of the media-as-a-constitutional-component.
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This dissertation analyzes four twenty-first-century Catalan novels which present the complex positions occupied by mothers in the last seven decades. Its conceptual framework posits motherhood as both a changing social construction and a political institution in a constant state of flux. In Inma Monsó´s Todo un carácter (2001), Eva Piquer´s Una victoria diferente (2002), Carme Riera´s La mitad del alma (2004), and Najat El Hachmi´s El último patriarca (2008) motherhood is explored as a metaphorical act, a gender-constructing experience, as well as the locus of expression with regard to gender and power relations. During the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (1939–1975), the majority of women were excluded from public spaces, and forced to stay home to care for their husbands and children. Furthermore, the state criminalized abortion, made contraception and divorce illegal, and promoted an ideal of femininity based on silence, sacrifice, and self-denial. The political changes of the late 1970s allowed women greater personal autonomy, and many women writers began to challenge stereotypical views of women’s social roles. Yet in the 70s and 80s, the narratives of Esther Tusquets, Ana María Moix, and Montserrat Roig represent the mother as a repressive figure whom the daughter must reject in order to liberate herself and regain her voice. It is not until the 90s when the novelists Mercedes Abad, Maruja Torres, Carme Riera, Imma Monsó, Eva Piquer, and María Barbal rehumanize the mother figure, recovering their matrilineal heritage. However, far from suggesting a unified trend in representations of motherhood in Catalan fiction, the diverse points of view of the novels under discussion here reveal that differences in attitudes among women authors about mother-daughter conflict are far from resolved. The theoretical background for this dissertation draws mainly on the work of Adrienne Rich, Nancy Chodorow, and Julia Kristeva. It includes psychoanalytic studies as well as sociologically based essays by Anna López Puig, Amparo Acereda, Jacqueline Cruz, Barbara Zecchi, Ángeles de la Concha, and Raquel Osborne, among others.
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People of the Jewish faith base their belief on the written word of the Torah. Presented in this paper are fine artists that produce work within these laws. The Torah sets guidelines for life and morality. The belief system within this domain is that visual images have an impact on the viewers, and artists are accountable for what they produce. This is in opposition with art education, where freedom of expression takes precedence over morality. The results of this study will form the basis for a curriculum for the community college. The researcher's area of inquiry is directed to painting and sculpture made by artists of the Jewish faith who follow the Torah, meaning those who are observant of their faith and practices. Their skills and perceptions will be presented to educate the viewer about their visions. The research questions were posed to rabbinical authorities and artists in order to establish a clear and defined statement of what the Jewish law is regarding the fine arts. The evidence presented was obtained by questionnaires, personal interviews, articles, and opinions from Jewish scholars. Four rabbis were selected based on their erudition on Torah law, and their strong leadership positions in Jewish educational institutions. The ten artists were selected based on recommendations from art historians, and art and gallery directors. The artists and the rabbis were mailed questionnaires, which was followed by an interview. The conclusion from this study is that fine artists are encouraged to use their talents, this is supported by the Torah text, and rabbinic explanation. The restriction for the Jewish artist is in making a replication of a realistic full-scale figure, making a visual rendition of G-d, a nude, or violent image. Art is made by the observant Jew with the intention of enhancing the world with visions inspired by their belief in the Torah. A crucial belief in Judaism is that there is but one G-d, and all man-made images should reflect the majesty of G-d's creations.
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The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.
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This article deals with several international instruments which provide legal guarantees for media diversity, which is essential for the promotion of cultural diversity. Based on several articles of the Convention of cultural diversity, the General Comment of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights No. 21 on the right to take part in cultural life, as well as the work of the UN Independent Expert on Cultural Rights, this article aims to identify legal tools for the establishing of measures promoting cultural diversity in the media. This article looks at the case study of Honduran Garifuna community radios. It emphasizes the importance of taking into account the economic aspects of cultural and communicational rights.
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The first decades of the 19th century constituted a period of profound change for Chile, the principal results of which were to be seen in the consolidation of the process of independence from Spanish dominion in 1818. The consequences were not limited to a revolution of military and political nature; they also included a renovation of the cultural panorama -at least among the educated patriots who made an effort to distance themselves ideologically from the Monarchy-, with the implicit challenge of establishing a new order for Chile, based on legitimate and universally recognizable foundations. The inspirational framework for these efforts is usually associated with other revolutionary examples -France and the United States- that preceded the emancipation processes in Spanish America, as well as with the discourses of illustrated liberalism. As we will attempt to demonstrate in this study, a new reading of the texts written by the Creoles that lead the Chilean independence process may, nonetheless, also reveal the relevance of the classical tradition as a model for the configuration and legitimization of the first Republican projects that especially admired the ideals of Republicanism.
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Advances in digital photography and distribution technologies enable many people to produce and distribute images of their sex acts. When teenagers do this, the photos and videos they create can be legally classified as child pornography since the law makes no exception for youth who create sexually explicit images of themselves. The dominant discussions about teenage girls producing sexually explicit media (including sexting) are profoundly unproductive: (1) they blame teenage girls for creating private images that another person later maliciously distributed and (2) they fail to respect—or even discuss—teenagers’ rights to freedom of expression. Cell phones and the internet make producing and distributing images extremely easy, which provide widely accessible venues for both consensual sexual expression between partners and for sexual harassment. Dominant understandings view sexting as a troubling teenage trend created through the combination of camera phones and adolescent hormones and impulsivity, but this view often conflates consensual sexting between partners with the malicious distribution of a person’s private image as essentially equivalent behaviors. In this project, I ask: What is the role of assumptions about teen girls’ sexual agency in these problematic understandings of sexting that blame victims and deny teenagers’ rights? In contrast to the popular media panic about online predators and the familiar accusation that youth are wasting their leisure time by using digital media, some people champion the internet as a democratic space that offers young people the opportunity to explore identities and develop social and communication skills. Yet, when teen girls’ sexuality enters this conversation, all this debate and discussion narrows to a problematic consensus. The optimists about adolescents and technology fall silent, and the argument that media production is inherently empowering for girls does not seem to apply to a girl who produces a sexually explicit image of herself. Instead, feminist, popular, and legal commentaries assert that she is necessarily a victim: of a “sexualized” mass media, pressure from her male peers, digital technology, her brain structures or hormones, or her own low self-esteem and misplaced desire for attention. Why and how are teenage girls’ sexual choices produced as evidence of their failure or success in achieving Western liberal ideals of self-esteem, resistance, and agency? Since mass media and policy reactions to sexting have so far been overwhelmingly sexist and counter-productive, it is crucial to interrogate the concepts and assumptions that characterize mainstream understandings of sexting. I argue that the common sense that is co-produced by law and mass media underlies the problematic legal and policy responses to sexting. Analyzing a range of nonfiction texts including newspaper articles, talk shows, press releases, public service announcements, websites, legislative debates, and legal documents, I investigate gendered, racialized, age-based, and technologically determinist common sense assumptions about teenage girls’ sexual agency. I examine the consensus and continuities that exist between news, nonfiction mass media, policy, institutions, and law, and describe the limits of their debates. I find that this early 21st century post-feminist girl-power moment not only demands that girls live up to gendered sexual ideals but also insists that actively choosing to follow these norms is the only way to exercise sexual agency. This is the first study to date examining the relationship of conventional wisdom about digital media and teenage girls’ sexuality to both policy and mass media.
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Shows troop movements during 1781.
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A large proportion of human populations suffer memory impairments either caused by normal aging or afflicted by diverse neurological and neurodegenerative diseases. Memory enhancers and other drugs tested so far against memory loss have failed to produce therapeutic efficacy in clinical trials and thus, there is a need to find remedy for this mental disorder. In search for cure of memory loss, our laboratory discovered a robust memory enhancer called RGS14(414). A treatment in brain with its gene produces an enduring effect on memory that lasts for lifetime of rats. Therefore, current thesis work was designed to investigate whether RGS14(414) treatment can prevent memory loss and furthermore, explore through biological processes responsible for RGS-mediated memory enhancement. We found that RGS14(414) gene treatment prevented episodic memory loss in rodent models of normal aging and Alzheimer´s disease. A memory loss was observed in normal rats at 18 months of age; however, when they were treated with RGS14(414) gene at 3 months of age, they abrogated this deficit and their memory remained intact till the age of 22 months. In addition to normal aging rats, effect of memory enhancer treatment in mice model of Alzheimer´s disease (AD-mice) produced a similar effect. AD-mice subjected to treatment with RGS14(414) gene at the age of 2 months, a period when memory was intact, showed not only a prevention in memory loss observed at 4 months of age but also they were able to maintain normal memory after 6 months of the treatment. We posit that long-lasting effect on memory enhancement and prevention of memory loss mediated through RGS14(414) might be due to a permanent structural change caused by a surge in neuronal connections and enhanced neuronal remodeling, key processes for long-term memory formation. A neuronal arborization analysis of both pyramidal and non-pyramidal neurons in brain of RGS14(414)-treated rats exhibited robust rise in neurites outgrowth of both kind of cells, and an increment in number of branching from the apical dendrite of pyramidal neurons, reaching to almost three times of the control animals. To further understand of underlying mechanism by which RGS14(414) induces neuronal arborization, we investigated into neurotrophic factors. We observed that RGS14 treatment induces a selective increase in BDNF. Role of BDNF in neuronal arborization, as well as its implication in learning and memory processes is well described. In addition, our results showing a dynamic expression pattern of BDNF during ORM processing that overlapped with memory consolidation further support the idea of the implication of this neurotrophin in formation of long-term memory in RGS-animals. On the other hand, in studies of expression profiling of RGS-treated animals, we have demonstrated that 14-3-3ζ protein displays a coherent relationship to RGS-mediated ORM enhancement. Recent studies have demonstrated that the interaction of receptor for activated protein kinase 1 (RACK1) with 14-3-3ζ is essential for its nuclear translocation, where RACK1-14-3-3ζ complex binds at promotor IV region of BDNF and promotes an increase in BDNF gene transcription. These observations suggest that 14-3-3ζ might regulate the elevated level of BDNF seen in RGS14(414) gene treated animals. Therefore, it seems that RGS-mediated surge in 14-3-3ζ causes elevated BDNF synthesis needed for neuronal arborization and enhanced ORM. The prevention of memory loss might be mediated through a restoration in BDNF and 14-3-3ζ protein levels, which are significantly decreased in aging and Alzheimer’s disease. Additionally, our results demonstrate that RGS14(414) treatment could be a viable strategy against episodic memory loss.
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La présentation d'antigène par les molécules d'histocompatibilité majeure de classe I (CMHI) permet au système immunitaire adaptatif de détecter et éliminer les agents pathogènes intracellulaires et des cellules anormales. La surveillance immunitaire est effectuée par les lymphocytes T CD8 qui interagissent avec le répertoire de peptides associés au CMHI présentés à la surface de toutes cellules nucléées. Les principaux gènes humains de CMHI, HLA-A et HLA-B, sont très polymorphes et par conséquent montrent des différences dans la présentation des antigènes. Nous avons étudié les différences qualitatives et quantitatives dans l'expression et la liaison peptidique de plusieurs allotypes HLA. Utilisant la technique de cytométrie de flux quantitative nous avons établi une hiérarchie d'expression pour les quatre HLA-A, B allotypes enquête. Nos résultats sont compatibles avec une corrélation inverse entre l'expression allotypique et la diversité des peptides bien que d'autres études soient nécessaires pour consolider cette hypothèse. Les origines mondiales du répertoire de peptides associés au CMHI restent une question centrale à la fois fondamentalement et dans la recherche de cibles immunothérapeutiques. Utilisant des techniques protéogénomiques, nous avons identifié et analysé 25,172 peptides CMHI isolées à partir des lymphocytes B de 18 personnes qui exprime collectivement 27 allotypes HLA-A,B. Alors que 58% des gènes ont été la source de 1-64 peptides CMHI par gène, 42% des gènes ne sont pas représentés dans l'immunopeptidome. Dans l'ensemble, l’immunopeptidome présenté par 27 allotypes HLA-A,B ne couvrent que 17% des séquences exomiques exprimées dans les cellules des sujets. Nous avons identifié plusieurs caractéristiques des transcrits et des protéines qui améliorent la production des peptides CMHI. Avec ces données, nous avons construit un modèle de régression logistique qui prédit avec une grande précision si un gène de notre ensemble de données ou à partir d'ensembles de données indépendants génèrerait des peptides CMHI. Nos résultats montrent la sélection préférentielle des peptides CMHI à partir d'un répertoire limité de produits de gènes avec des caractéristiques distinctes. L'idée que le système immunitaire peut surveiller des peptides CMHI couvrant seulement une fraction du génome codant des protéines a des implications profondes dans l'auto-immunité et l'immunologie du cancer.
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In the frame of the Ukrainian crisis the question of spheres of influence has returned to political discourse. This may be an awkward subject, but what if we only deny the existence of such power constellations as spheres of influence? Do spheres of influence exist, or are they relics of history, and mere rhetoric? And if they exist, where can we find them? The hypothesis in this article is that instead of being a tangible reality, spheres of influence are obscure and contested political constructions, which nevertheless can have an impact on political behaviour. To demonstrate this, the article will first introduce a few examples of the current use of the concept. Secondly, a few remarks follow concerning the different IR schools of thought, and conceptual history as a method. Next, the article turns to discussing a few dictionaries and the empirical material for the present inquiry, which consists of recent textbooks, i.e. the current political science curriculum in one particular university, at the University of Tampere, Finland. More empirical cases deal with the division of Africa, the post-WWII situation, and the Hungarian revolution of 1956.