995 resultados para Maclean, John, 1800-1886
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'Untitled (after Steven and John)' takes inspiration from Spielbergian tracking shots and Baldessarian collages to create ghostly apparitions that explore the affective power of the cinematic close up. By appropriating and obfuscating this common filmic convention, the work investigates the intersubjective potential of the moving image.
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Within the history of twentieth-century design, there are a number of well-known objects and stories that are invoked time and time again to capture a pivotal moment or summarize a much broader historical transition. For example, Marcel Breuer’s Model B3 chair is frequently used as a stand-in for the radical investigations of form and new industrial materials occurring at the Bauhaus in the mid-1920s. Similarly, Raymond Loewy’s streamlined pencil sharpener has become historical shorthand for the emergence of modern industrial design in the 1930s. And any discussion of the development of American postwar “organic design” seems incomplete without reference to Charles and Ray Eames’s molded plywood leg splint of 1942. Such objects and narratives are dear to historians of modern design. They are tangible, photogenic subjects that slot nicely into exhibitions, historical surveys, and coffee-table best sellers...
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An imagined nobleman Nobility as an enemy image and in-group identity in nineteenth-century Finland The focal point of this study is the difficult relationship between two seemingly very different 19th-century elite groups, the upwardly mobile bourgeois intelligentsia and the slowly declining traditional nobility. In the thinking of the bourgeois contender the two emerged as exact opposites, styled as conflicting ideal types: an outdated, exclusive, degenerate hereditary aristocracy versus a dynamic and progressive new force in society, recruited solely on the basis of personal merit, originating from the common people and representing the nation. The appearance of an important 19th-century novelty, print publicity, coincided with the emergence of the bourgeois intelligentsia. The institutions of the developing publishing industry were manned by the aspiring new group. The strengthening flow of progressive, democratic, nationalist ideas distributed via the printing presses carried an undercurrent of self-promotion. It transmitted to the developing readership the self-image of the new cultural bourgeoisie as the defender and benevolent educator of the nation. Having won the contest over the media, the intelligentsia was free to present its predecessor and rival as an enemy of the people. In its politics the nobility emerged as an ideal scapegoat, represented as the source for existing social evils, all if which would promptly go away after its disappearance. It also served as a black backcloth, against which the democratic, national, progressive bourgeois intelligentsia would shine more brightly. In order to shed light on the 19th-century process of (re)modelling the image of nobility as a public enemy I have used four different types of source materials. These include three genres of print publicity, ranging from popular historical and contemporary fiction to nonfictional presentations of national history and the news and political commentaries of the daily papers, complemented by another, originally oral type of publicity, the discussion protocols of the Finnish four-estate parliament. To counterpoint these I also analysed the public self-image of the nobility, particularly vis-à-vis the nationalist and democratic ethos of the modernising politics.
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Tutkimus luotaa 1800-luvun alkuvuosikymmenten Suomen suuriruhtinaskunnan virkamiehistön poliittisia asenteita sensuuri-ja painovapauskysymysten valossa. Sadan virkamiehistöön kuuluneen henkilön yksityiskirjastot ja niiden sisältämät mahdolliset sensuurin kieltämät nimikkeet on seulottu Kansalliskirjaston kokoelmissa olevista 1800- luvun kirjahuutokauppaluetteloista vertailemalla niitä Kansallisarkistossa säilytettäviin sensuuriviranomaisten kiellettyjen teosten listoihin. Tutkimuksen keskeisimmiksi teemoiksi nousevat näin poliittis- sekä kirjahistorialliset, kirjallista kulttuuria koskettelevat ulottuvuudet. Virkamiehistön yksityiskirjastot mahdollisine kiellettyine nimikkeineen on esitelty tilastollisen taulukoinnin avulla kirjastojen koon, virkamiehistön hallintoalan, rankiluokan sekä alueellisen identiteetin mukaan jaoteltuina. Vaikka lähdeaineiston perusteella on tämänkaltaisen poliittisväritteisen kirjallisen kulttuurin tavoittaminen osaksi ongelmallista, ovat huutokauppaluettelot systemaattisesta ja säännöllisestä luonteestaan johtuen merkittävää ja satunnaisten inventaarioluetteloiden ohella lähestulkoon ainoaa käsillä olevaa yksityiskirjastoja koskevaa lähdeaineistoa. Suomen 1800-luvun valtiolliseen asemaan liittyviä historiantulkintoja on tutkimuksen edetessä pyritty kuljettamaan rinnakkain; niitä ovat toisaalta suomalaisten käsitykset maansa perustuslaillisesta asemasta ja toisaalta venäläisten viranomaisten tulkinnat Suomen asemasta yleisvaltakunnallisessa viitekehyksessä. Tämän ohella tutkimusaihetta on lähestytty sen ajalliseeen kontekstiin olennaisesti kytkeytyvien yhteiskunta-ja historianfilosofisten teorioiden avulla. Ne ovat olleet myös tutkimuksen kohteena olleille aikalaisille relevantti henkinen ulottuvuus. Tämä on perusteltua, koska filosofista ja valtiotieteellistä kirjallisuutta on ollut kirjastoissa paljon. Etiikasta ja moraalista lähtevä vapauden ongelma on ollut yksi tämänkaltainen yhteiskuntafilosofinen kysymys. Tutkimuksessa aika ajoin esiin nouseva aatteellinen vertailu muiden Euroopan maiden oloihin laajentaa tutkimuksen historiallisen viitekehyksen osaksi 1800-luvun eurooppalaisen henkisen aatemaailman maisemaa. Tutkimuksen varovaiset johtopäätökset juontuvat erilaisista näkökulmista. Kiellettyjä nimikkeitä löytyi hieman yli 30 % kaikista virkamiehistön yksityiskirjastoista, mutta kiellettyjen nimikkeiden määrät osoittautuivat kirjastokohtaisesti laskettuna pienehköiksi. Ilmiön voi näin väittää olleen toisaalta marginaalista, mutta toisaalta konkreettinen osoitus poliittiseen vakaumukseen viittaavasta asennoitumisesta; sensuuria esimerkiksi saatettiin tulkita perustuslaillisuutta ja Aleksanteri I:n antaman hallitsijanvakuutuksen taustaa vasten. Kielletyn kirjallisuuden hankkiminen sensuurilaeista piittaamatta saattoi myös olla kamppailua hyvänä pidetyn yhteiskuntajärjestyksen puolesta järjestelmän epäkohtia vastaan. Keisaria kohtaan tunnettiin lojaalisuutta, mutta hänen hallitsemaansa järjestelmää edustavia sensuuriviranomaisia kohtaan välttämättä ei. Tässä kohdin Suomen tilanteella oli vastaavuutta Saksan oloihin, j o s s a nuorhegeliläiset halusivat muuttaa yhteiskuntaa ideaalimpaan suuntaan. Venäjän keisarikuntaan kuuluminen toi mukanaan maallista hyvää, mutta henkisen kulttuurin puolella orientoiduttiin pääasiassa länteen, ja pitäydyttiin Ruotsin ajan luomassa perinnössä. Yksi keskeinen tästä kummunnut valistusaatteen traditionaalinen arvo oli itsensä vapaa kehittäminen, joten sensuurikysymyksissä ajauduttiin väistämättä törmäyskurssille valtiopoliittisen ja kulttuurisen identiteetin ristipaineessa. Vaikka valtiopoliittinen identiteetti vaihtui vuoden 1809 jälkeen, ei kulttuurisen identiteetin kohdalla näin käynyt. Tätä kautta vahvistuu kokonaiskuva 1700-luvun historian ja Ruotsin ajan perinnön tärkeydestä 1800-luvun henkiselle kehitykselle etenkin kirjallisen kulttuurin saralla.
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Jac. Ahrenberg and Patrimony Restoration Plans for Viipuri and Turku Castles at the End of the 19th Century This dissertation examines the unrealized restoration plans for two castles in the Grand Duchy of Finland one located at Viipuri (Vyborg, nowadays in Russia), the other at Turku (in Swedish, Åbo) during the last decades of the 19th century. Both castles were used as prisons, barracks and warehouses. From the middle of the 19th century on, their restoration and transformation into museums and "national monuments" were demanded in the newspapers. The prison reform in the 1860s stimulated the documentation and debate concerning their future, but it was only at the beginning of the 1880s when their restoration became an official state-run project. The undertaking was carried out by Johan Jacob (Jac.) Ahrenberg (1847 1914), architect of the National Board of Public Buildings. By combining written sources with drawings and photographs, this dissertation examines the restoration projects, the two castles' significance and the ways in which they were investigated by scholars. The plans are analyzed in connection with restoration practices in France and Sweden and in the context of contemporary discussions concerning national art and patrimony. The thesis argues that these former castles of the Swedish crown were used to manifest the western roots of Finnish law and order, the lineage of power and the capacity of the nation to defend itself. However, because of their symbolism, their restoration became a politically delicate question concerning the role of the Swedish heritage in Finland's nation-building process. According to Jac. Ahrenberg's plans, the two castles were to be restored to their assumed appearance at the time of the Vasa dynasty. Consequently, the structures would have resembled castles in Sweden. It is suggested that one aim of the restoration plans was to transform the two buildings into monuments testifying to the common history of Sweden and Finland. They were meant to consolidate the Swedish basis of Finnish culture and autonomy and thus to secure them against the threatening implications of Russian imperialism. It seems that along with the changing ideals of architectural restoration and the need for an original Finnish architectural heritage, the political connotations associated with the castles were one reason why Jac. Ahrenberg's restoration plans were never realized.
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John Dewey (1859-1952) oli yhdysvaltalainen filosofi, pedagogi ja julkinen keskustelija, jonka ajattelu on merkittävästi vaikuttanut pragmatismina tunnetun filosofisen suuntauksen kehittymiseen. Tässä Pro gradu -tutkielmassa tarkastellaan Devveyn poliittista filosofiaa ja ajattelua. Tarkoituksena on selvitellä, millaista on Devveyn poliittinen filosofia ja voiko hänen pragmatistinen poliittinen filosofiansa tarjota jotain mielenkiintoista myös tämän päivän poliittisen filosofian kentälle. Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan Devveyn esittämää kritiikkiä klassista liberalismia ja individualismia kohtaan, Devveyn omaa poliittisen filosofian projektia sekä sen kohtaama kritiikkiä ja arvioidaan Devveyn poliittista filosofiaa yleisesti. Tarkastelun kohteena ovat muun muassa Devveyn käsitykset yksilöstä, valtiosta, demokratiasta, vallasta ja tiedosta. Ensisijaisena lähteenä tutkielmassa on Devveyn koottujen teosten sarja vuosilta 1882-1953, ennen kaikkea 1920-30-lukujen tuotanto. Lisäksi lähteenä on useita tuoreita artikkeleita sekä kommentaareja. Keskeisin löytö tutkielmassa on, että Devveyn poliittisen filosofian oleellinen piirre on "anti-essentialismi", eli huomion siirtäminen pois jostain oletetuista yksilöiden ja ryhmien olemuksista tai sisäisestä luonnosta niiden välisiin suhteisiin ja näiden ilmauksiin. Tähän liittyen Devveyn poliittisen filosofian keskeiseksi lähtökohdaksi osoittautuu perinteisen yksilö-yhteisö jaottelun kyseenalaistaminen. Tutkielma tarjoaa laajan katsauksen Devveyn poliittiseen ajatteluun sekä pragmatistiseen poliittiseen filosofiaan.
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Right as an Argument. Leo Mechelin and the Finnish Question 1886-1912 At the turn of the 20th century the Finnish Question rose up as a political and juridical issue at the international arena. The vaguely précised position of Finland in the Russian empire led to diverse conclusions concerning the correctness of the February manifesto of 1899. It was predominantly among a European elite of politicians, cultural workers and academics the issue rose some interest. Finns were active making propaganda for their cause, and they put an emphasis on the claim that the right was on the Finnish side. In the study Elisabeth Stubb compare the Finnish, Russian and European statements about the Finnish Question and analyse their use of right as an argument. The Finnish Question offers at the same time a case study of a national entity which possesses a political sphere of life but is not fully independent, and its possibilities to drive its interests in an international context. Leo Mechelin (1839-1914), the leader of the Finnish propaganda organization abroad, is used as a point of departure. The biographical stance is formed into a triangle, where Leo Mechelin, the idea of right and the Finnish Question abroad are the three cornerstones. The treatment of one cornerstone sheds a ligth on the two others. The metaphor of triangulation also worked as a method to reach "a third stance" in a scinetific and political issue that usually is polarised into two opposite alternatives. An adherence to a strict legal right could not in the end offer a complete, unquestionable and satisfactory solution to the Finnsih Question, it was dependent on "the right of state wisdom and sound insight". The Finnish propaganda abroad used almost completely alternative ways of making politics. The propaganda did not have a decisive effect on countries' official politics, but gained unofficial support, especially in the public opinion and in academic statements. Mechelin claimed that the political field was dependent on public opinion and scientific research. Together with the official politics these two fields formed a triangle that shared the task of balancing the political arena and preventing it from making unwise decisions of taking an unjust turn. The international sphere worked as a balancing part in the Finnish Question. Mechelin tried by claiming the status of state for Finland's part to secure the country a place at the official international arena. At the same time, and especially when the claim was not fully adopted, he emphasised, and in a European context worked for, that right would become the guiding light not only for international relations, but also for the policy making in the inner life of the state.
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The aim of the study is to investigate the use of finlandisms in an historical perspective, how they have been viewed from the mid-19th century to this day, and the effect of language planning on their use. A finlandism is a word, a phrase, or a structure that is used only in the Swedish varieties used in Finland (i.e. in Finland Swedish), or used in these varieties in a different meaning than in the Swedish used in Sweden. Various aspects of Finland-Swedish language planning are discussed in relation to language planning generally; in addition, the relation of Finland Swedish to Standard Swedish and standard regional varieties is discussed, and various types of finlandisms are analysed in detail. A comprehensive picture is provided of the emergence and evolution of the ideology of language planning from the mid-19th century up until today. A theoretical model of corpus planning is presented and its effect on linguistic praxis described. One result of the study is that the belief among Finland-Swedish language planners that the Swedish language in Finland must not be allowed to become distanced from Standard Swedish, has been widely adopted by the average Finland Swede, particularly during the interwar period, following the publication of Hugo Bergroth s work Finlandssvenska in 1917. Criticism of this language-planning ideology started to appear in the 1950s, and intensified in the 1970s. However, language planning and the basis for this conception of language continue to enjoy strong support among Swedish-speaking Finns. I show that the editing of Finnish literary texts written in Swedish has often been somewhat amateurish and the results not always linguistically appropriate, and that Swedish publishers have in fact adopted a rather liberal attitude towards finlandisms. My conclusion is that language planning has achieved rather modest results in its resistance to finlandisms. Most of the finlandisms used in 1915 were still in use in 2005. Finlandisms occur among speakers of all ages, and even among academically educated people despite their more elevated style. The most common finlandisms were used by informants of all ages. The ones that are firmly rooted are the most established, in other words those that are stylistically neutral, seemingly genuinely Swedish, but which are nevertheless strongly supported by Finnish, and display a shift in meaning as compared with Standard Swedish.
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Two-dimensional NMR and molecular dynamics simulations have been used to determine the three-dimensional structures of two hairpin DNA structures: d-CTAGAG GATCCUTTTGGATCCT (abbreviated as U1-hairpin) and d-CTAGAGGATCCTTUTGGATCCT (abbreviated as U3-hairpin). The (1) H resonances of both of these hairpin structures have been assigned almost completely. NMR restrained molecular dynamics and energy minimization procedures have been used to describe the three-dimensional structures of these hairpins. This study and concurrent NMR structural studies on two other d-CTAGAGGA TCCTUTTGGATCCT (abbreviated as U2-hairpin) and d-CTAGAGGATCCTTTUGGATCCT (abbreviated as U4-hairpin) have shed light upon various interactions reported between Echerichia coli uracil DNA glycosylase (UDG) and uracil-containing DNA. The backbone torsion angles, which partially influence the local conformation of U12 and U14 in U1 and U3-hairpins, respectively, are probably locked in the trans conformation as in the case of U-13 in the U2-hairpin. Such a stretched-out backbone conformation in the vicinity of U-12 and U-14 is thought to be the reason why the K-m value is poor for U1- and U3-hairpins as it is for the U2-hairpin. Furthermore, the bases U-12 and U-14 in both U1- and U3-hairpins adopt an anti conformation, in contrast with the base conformation of U-13 in the U2-hairpin, which adopts a syn conformation. The clear discrepancy observed in the U-base orientation with respect to the sugar moieties could explain why the V-max value is 10- to 20-fold higher for the U1- and U3-hairpins compared with the U2-hairpin. Taken together, these observations support our interpretation that the unfavourable backbone results in a poor K-m value, whereas the unfavourable nucleotide conformation results in a poor V-max value. These two parameters therefore make the U1- and U3-hairpins better substrates for UDG compared with the U2-hairpin, as reported earlier [Kumar, N. V. & Varshney, U. (1997) Nucleic Acids Res. 25, 2336-2343.].
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Stable isotopes from a U/Th dated aragonite stalagmite from the Central Kumaun Himalaya provide evidence of variation in climatic conditions in the last similar to 1800 years. The delta O-18 and delta C-13 values vary from -4.3 parts per thousand to -7.6 parts per thousand and -3.4 parts per thousand to -9.1 parts per thousand respectively, although the stalagmite was not grown in isotopic equilibrium with cave drip water, a clear palaeoclimatic signal in stalagmite delta O-18 values is evident based on the regional climate data. The stalagmite showed a rapid growth rate during 830-910 AD, most likely the lower part of Medieval Warm Period (MWP), and 1600-1640 AD, the middle part of Little Ice Age (LIA). Two distinct phases of reduced precipitation are marked by a 2 parts per thousand shift in 8180 values towards the end of MWP (similar to 1080-1160 AD) and after its termination from similar to 1210 to 1440 AD. The LIA (similar to 1440-1880 AD) is represented by sub-tropical climate similar to modern conditions, whereas the post-LIA was comparatively drier. The Inter Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) was located over the cave location during wetter/warmer conditions. When it shifted southward, precipitation over the study area decreased. A prominent drop in delta O-18 and delta C-13 values during the post-LIA period may also have been additionally influenced by anthropogenic activity in the area. (C) 2013 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.