524 resultados para Apostolic constitutions.


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The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

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The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration

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This work aims to show that the protection of the employment relation is one of the determining factors to respect the principle of the human dignity. The goal is initially to show the devaluation of work from antiquity to the early twentieth century, when the constitutions began to standardize protective devices. This way, the consecration of the social labor rights in the Constitution of 1988 represents the culmination of the historical achievements. This work demonstrates that such rights can not be reduced or suppressed by political conveniences, once these rights are included in the list of immutable clauses. It is displayed that to achieve the fundamental right to work is not well advised to encourage the creation of jobs that maculates the worker s dignity. The outsourced work is, therefore, a classic example of the advancement of precarious forms of contemporary labor. It is inferred that the presence of various forms of harassment results in a degradation of working environment, bringing about dire consequences on professional and personal life of the worker. Thus, decent work must be the appropriate benchmark for the creation of new jobs. It is also shown that the flexibilization of the propaganda rights by certain pressure groups has as main goal to reduce or eliminate rights, based on fallacious data depicting an increase of competitiveness and jobs. In addition, the flexibility implies a growth of the precarization of the work - a reality felt by many workers subjected to such a situation due to the unemployment phenomenon whose origin is not in the protectionism of the norms. It is necessary to expand and structure the constitutionally legitimate institutions to monitor and curb the precarized work, as well as all practices that go against the dignity of the worker. It is also shown the loss of power of the sindicates in the last few years as a consequence of the pulverization workes and the capital attacks through the productive restructure whose outsourcings and privatizations are notorious examples

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The dissertation, which is based on the deductive method, by using general concepts of the theory of the administrative participation in the administrative process, addresses the importance of strengthening administrative and procedural activities of citizen involvement in public administration for the administrative consolidation of democracy in Brazil. The emergence of Administrative Law has particular importance for the understanding of its institutions and, of course, for the different fields of public administration. The authoritarian profile of this area of law still exists as a clear recollection of their origin, mainly based on a relationship of superiority of the state over the individuals. Indeed, does not even modern constitutionalism could print a true democracy administrative, since the constitutions were not properly observed by the Government. Furthermore, only the process of constitutionalization of administrative law legal relations took a more democratic profile. That is, the creation of an environment of dialogue with civil society is a recent achievement of the Brazilian government. As the administrative process involves dilemmas and solutions of state action, because it is revealed the expression government, the strengthening of institutions and principles related to the administrative procedure is important for role in making a more participatory relationship between state and citizen. Thus, administrative participation can be considered not only a mechanism of control and legitimacy of state action, but also for improvement and reduction of administrative costs, as a requirement of the principle of efficiency. The objective of this investigation is to assert as the administrative legal relation, the administrative legality, the administrative jurisdiction, the processuality administrative, the consensuality administrative and administrative justice, together with administrative participation, can contribute to a more democratic role of the Public Administration and, therefore, more dialogic and consolidator of the fundamental rights of citizens. Therefore, we highlight the importance of the administrative process and administrative participation as mechanisms for improving public policy and thus as a means of reducing administrative costs mediate the state

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This paper analyzes the relationship between fundamental rights and the exercise of the claim punitive society in a democratic state. It starts with the premise that there are fundamental rights that limit and determine the validity of all forms of manifestation of the claim punitive society (legislating, investigative, adjudicative or ministerial) and there are others that require the state the right exercise, fast and effective of these activities. Travels to history in order to see that the first meaning of these rights was built between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, after all a history of abuses committed by state agents in the exercise of criminal justice, and positively valued in the declarations of human rights and proclaimed in the constitutions after the American and French Revolutions, while the second meaning has been assigned between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when, because of the serious social problems generated largely by absenteeism state, it was noted that in addition to subjective rights the individual against the state, fundamental rights are also objective values, which trigger an order directed the state to protect them against the action of the offending individuals themselves (duty to protect), the mission of which the State seeks to discharge, among other means, through the issue of legal rules typifying the behavior detrimental to such rights, subject to penalties, and the concrete actions of public institutions created by the Constitution to operate penal law. Under this double bias, it is argued that the rule violates the Constitution in the exercise of the claim punitive society as much as by excess malfere fundamental rights that limit, as when it allows facts wrong by offending fundamental rights, remain unpunished either by inaction or by insufficient measures taken abstractly or concretely provided

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In Brazil, social rights have always been considered secondary legal categories, whose implementation could wait for the pending of political decisions. At the end of the Second World War, International Law emphasizes the protection of human beings, raising his dignity as a legal pillar of the legal orders and one of the main foundations of Constitutions. At the post-positivism Constitutionalism, the realization of social rights receives special attention with the assumption of supremacy and normativity of the Constitutions, while the judiciary participates in the realization of democracy, not only as applicator of laws, but also as the guardian of constitutionality of the acts and administrative omissions, creatively contributing to the constitutional achievement, filling gaps and normative state omissions. In this aspect, the supply of medicines, whose costs can not be supported by the individual, keep a close connection with the right to life, health and dignity of the human being, as the subject of numerous lawsuits directed against the Public Administration. Such phenomenon has caused intense debate regarding judicial activism and legitimacy of these decisions, particularly on the need to define what are the limits and possibilities considering the principle of separation of powers and the principle of reserve of the possible; bieng this the problematic developed in this research. Thus, this research aims to verify the legitimacy of judicial decisions that determines to the Public Administration the compulsory providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of their treatment, as well as, contribute to the dogmatic constructions of parameters to be observed by judicial interference. Regarding the methodology, this research has an investigative and descriptive caracter and an theoretical approach based on bibliographical data collection (judicial and doutrine decisions) that received qualitative treatment and dialectical approach. As a result, it is known that the judicial decision that determines the supply of medicines to those individuals who can not afford them with their own resources is legitimate and complies with the democratic principle, not violating the principle of separation of powers and the reserve of the possible, since the judicial decison is not stripped with an uniform and reasonable criteria, failing to contain high burden of subjectivism and witch signifies a possible exacerbation of functions by the judiciary, suffering, in this case, of requirement of legal certainty. It is concluded that the Court decision that determines the government the providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of treatment should be based on parameters such as: the protection of human dignity and the minimum existencial principle, the inafastable jurisdiction principle; compliance critique of the possible reserve principle; subsidiarity of judicial intervention; proportionality (quantitative and qualitative) in the content of the decision; the questioning about the reasons for non-delivery of the drug through administrative via; and, finally, the attention not to turn the judiciary into a mere production factor of the pharmaceutical industry, contributing to the cartelization of the right to health

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The Liberal Constitutionalism emerged from the late eighteenth century, a period of major revolutions (French and American), fruit of the struggle for libertarian rights. Although the time of the first written constitutions, these were linked to mere political letters, did not provide for fundamental human rights, as it is, so only on the state organization, structure of powers, division of powers of the state and some relations between state and individuals. There was a clear division between the civil codes and constitutions, those governing private relations and acted as barriers to non-state intervention. After the Second World War, the constitutions are no longer Letters political order to establish how the human person, in order to enshrine the fundamental rights, the primacy of constitutional principles and take their normative function against ordinary legislator. Constitutional evolution gave the name of contemporary constitutionalism, based on repersonalization or despatrimonialização of Private Law, ceasing the separation of legislative civil codes and constitutions, in favor of the protection of fundamental rights of the human person. And this tendency to the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988 brought higher ground the dignity of the human person, the epicenter axiological legal to govern private relations, including family law. The constitutionalization of family law motivates the adoption of desjudicialização family issues, so as to respect the direio intimacy, privacy, private autonomy and access to justice. Conflictual family relationships require special treatment, given the diversity and dynamism of their new compositions. The break in the family relationship is guided in varied feelings among its members in order to hinder an end harmonic. Thus, the judiciary, through performances impositive, not to honor the power of decision of the parties, as also on the structural problems faced to operate on these cases, the environment is not the most appropriate to offer answers to the end of family quarrels. Situation that causes future demands on the dissatisfaction of the parties with the result. Before the development of the Family Law comes the need to adopt legal institutions, which monitor the socio-cultural, and that promote an effective assistance to people involved in this kind of conflict. In obedience to the private autonomy, before manifestations of volunteers involved in family mediation, among autocompositivos instruments of conflict resolution, is indicated as the most shaped the treatment of family quarrels. Remaining, then the state a minimal intervention to prevent excessive intrusion into private life and personal privacy

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The right to artistic expression, freedom granted in the western democratic constitutionalism, is a fundamental right that cyclically, compared to other cohesive rights of expression, has been forgotten and put in an irrelevant juridical-dogmatic position. The first reason for this behaviour that disesteems artistic freedom is the valorisation of rationalism and scientificism in the modern society, subordinating academic researches to utilitarianism, relegating the purpose of feelings and spirituality on men s elocution, therefore, we investigate, guided by philosophy, the attribution of art on human formation, due to its capacity in harmonising reason and emotion. After that, we affirm the fundamental right to artistic expression s autonomy in the 1988 valid constitutional order, after a comparative explanation of freedom in the Fundamental Laws of United States, Portugal, Spain and Germany; and the construction historic-constitutional of the same right in the Brazilian Constitutions. In this desiderate, the theoric mark chosen is the Liberal Theory of the fundamental rights, guiding the exam through jusfundamental dimensions: juridical-subjective and juridical-objective. Whilst the first, classical function of resistance, delimitates the protection area of the artistic expression right from its specific content, titularity and its constitutional and subconstitutional limits, the other one establishes it as cultural good of the Social Order, defining to the State its rendering duties of protection, formation and cultural promotion. We do not admit artistic communication, granted without legal reserve, to be transposed of restrictions that belong to other fundamental rights and, when its exercise collides with another fundamental right or juridical-constitutional good, the justification to a possible state intervention that tangentiates its protection area goes, necessarily, through the perquisition of the artist s animus, the used method, the many viable interpretations and, at last, the correct application of the proportionality criteria. The cultural public politics analysis, nevertheless, observes the pluralism principle of democratic substratum, developer of the cultural dialogue and opposed to patterns determined by the mass cultural industry. All powers are attached, on the scope of its typical attributions, to materialise public politics that have the cultural artistic good as its aim, due to the constant rule contained in §1, art. 5º of the Federal Constitution. However, the access and the incentive laws to culture must be constantly supervised by the constitutional parameter of fundamental right to equality

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This paper, Society, woman and education in Graciliano Ramos' novels, is a study object from the history of woman's education in the 1930 s, it is shown as a reading of woman's representation and the configuration of the Brazilian society in that period. São Bernardo, Angustia and Vidas Secas written by Graciliano Ramos (1892-1953) from Alagoas, are used here as sources associated with the reading of the Constitutions, of the Civil Code and of some presidential messages of that decade, also with the texts produced by other scholars that present some relationship within the thematic of this approach. The representation concepts and the configuration are essential for the production of this text. I run over to the configuration concept given by Chartier (1988, p.21) a definition to representation that can be understood as a relationship between a present image and an absent object that having the value of this because it is hamonized with it. I fall back upon the configuration concept given by Elias (1969) that understands it as been a social group performed by an interdependent network that occurs within individuals as a whole joined by any reason. The totality of each individual actions with each other, permeated by tension points and balance, is what characterizes each configuration; it can be a teachers and students meeting in a classroom or a friends' encounter in the bar table, for instance. The attempt of understanding woman's representation, being educated or not, the hole attributed to her in society according to her instruction degree and the way that same society saw this woman guided me through categories that were defined throughout the successive readings: gender, civil status, education, language domain, sexuality, marriage, family, ideal woman. I accomplish this reading that was possible to do - with the pretension of not having lost the relationship between history and literature nor forgotten each one peculiarities

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The abandonment of newborn children is a reality nowadays. This reality enables us to discuss this issue in other temporalities, in all kinds of societies. Thus, this work aims to demonstrate how the population that lived at Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Apresentação, a civil parish at a Rio Grande do Norte captaincy, socially placed the abandoned newborn during in the eighteenth century. These newborn were called exposed ones at the time and were inserted in a regional Exposed Circle. The research also discussed how the local Council assembly sheltered these newborn. For research development the following manuscript documents were used: baptism, wedding and demise documents at Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Apresentação as well as the first Book of Records if the matrix church at this civil parish. The research also considered the terms of the Council assembly. Some printed documents were used such as Philippine Ordainments, the First Constitutions of the Archbishop in 1707 including the Lunario contents as well as texts from André João Antonil and Henry Koster. In the analysis reference work related to Social History was used. Thus, it is possible confirm that there was construction of socially accepted places for these exposed on behalf of the colonist at the region

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L'objectif de ce travail est d'analyser les différences entre la fonction, la mission et le rôle de l'Armée dans les constitutions brésiliennes, de 1824 à 1988. L'hypothèse en discussion est que la disjonction consacrée constitutionnellement entre la Loi et l'Ordre consolide une limitation à la démocratie en autorisant des interventions dans l'Armée qui vont au-delà de la Loi. Nous défendons que l'autonomie militaire, garantie par les constitutions, rend très difficile la subordination militaire par rapport au pouvoir civil, car cette subordination est nécessaire à la consolidation du régime démocratique.

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From the seeds of Virola surinamensis, which were collected near Altamira and near Maraba, Para State, Brazil, the following substances were isolated by chromatographic techniques: two dibenzylbutanediol lignans, dihydrocubebin and the new dihydrocubebin monolaurate, two furofuran lignans, sesamin and asarinin, three dibenzylbutyrolactol lignans, cubebin, β-O- methylcubebin and α-O-methylcubebin, one dibenzylbutyrolactone lignan, hinokinin, one aryltetralin neolignan, galbulin, two tetrahydrofuran neolignans, galgravin and the new 4'-hydroxy-3'-methoxy-3,4-methylenedioxy- 8.8',7.O.7'-neolignan, one flavone, tithonine, one isoflavone, irisolidone, and two new polyketides, 3-hydroxy-1-(15-phenylpentadecanoyl)-2,6- cyclohexanedione and 1-(5-phenylpentanoyl)-2,6-cyclohexanedione. Different chemical constitutions of the fruits from the two localities were observed.

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A chromosomal mosaic has at least two cell lineages with different karyotypes derived from a single zygote and the karyotype alteration can be numeric or structural as well. In the present paper were detected a numeric chromosomal alterations in a single specimen of Thichomycterus paolence from the Quinta stream (Itatinga, state of São Paulo, Brazil). In a total of 61 analysed metaphases, besides the normal chromosome number of this species (2n=54), other four chromosomal sets characterized by 2n=55 (54 plus a microchromosome), 2n=55 (54 plus a small subtelocentric chromosome), 2n=56 (54 plus a subtelocentric and a microchromosome) and 2n=57 (54 plus a subtelocentric pair and a microchromosome) have been detected. The mechanisms that have originated those abnormal karyotypical constitutions is discussed.

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Prefacio de la Sra. Alicia Bárcena

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Introduction: Various types of sutures are available in the market with different constitutions. However, there is a lack of research to assess and quantify the behavior of these materials. Resources and materials: This study comes benchmark wires polyglactin 910 (Vicryl ®), irradiated polyglactin 910 (Vicryl Rapid ®), polyglactin 910 treated with triclosan (Vicryl Plus ®), and poliglecaprone 25 (Monocryl ®). For this, we used 40 rats that were divided into two groups, underwent two skin incisions longitudinal 2-cm long. In Group A, simple interrupted sutures using irradiated polyglactin 910 on the right and left side of polyglactin 910, and in group B, polyglactin 910 with triclosan on the right and the left poliglecaprone 25 were made. At 2, 7, 14, and 28 days after surgery, the ten animals were killed per period, and the samples were processed for histomorphologic and histometric analysis. Conclusions: The results demonstrated that the wire poliglecaprone 25 showed better biological response, with less inflammatory infiltrates and rapid organization of connective tissue. © 2012 Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg.