Ukraine: Can meaningful reform come out of conflict? Bruegel Policy Contribution 2014/08, August 2014

Apart from threats to its national security and territorial integrity, Ukraine faces serious economic challenges. These result from the slow pace of economic and institutional reform in the previous two decades, the populist policies of the Yanukovych era and the consequences of the conflict with Russia. The new Ukrainian authorities have made pro-reform declarations, but these do not seem to be supported sufficiently by concrete policy measures, especially in the critical areas of fiscal, balance-of-payment and structural adjustment. Also, the international financial aid package granted to Ukraine has not been accompanied by sufficiently strong policy conditionality. Ukraine urgently needs a complex programme of far-reaching economic and institutional reform, which will include both short-term fiscal and macroeconomic adjustment measures and medium- to long-term structural and institutional changes. Energy subsidies and the low retirement age are the two critical policy areas that require adjustment to avoid sovereign default and a balance-of-payments crisis.

Ukraine in deadlock - What next? EPC Commentary, 12 February 2014

Some two months since Ukrainians took to the streets, a political solution to the standoff between the EuroMaidan protestors and the Ukrainian authorities remains out of reach, with the situation on the ground remaining volatile. As the clock ticks there is fear that further violence and instability could be on the horizon. Further turmoil risks Ukraine’s territorial integrity, with talk of division and calls for Moscow to intervene coming from a number of Party of Regions speakers. It also increases the likelihood of new security threats going beyond Ukraine’s border including refugees and asylum seekers. Furthermore, as the political crisis deepens, Ukraine’s economic situation becomes more perilous with the chances of default on its debts rising.

Ukraine on the edge. EPC Commentary, 24 April 2014

During the past six months Ukraine has been through a revolution, its Crimean peninsula has been annexed by Russia and its territorial integrity continues to be challenged. With ongoing unrest in three Eastern regions, a peace deal recently agreed in Geneva hangs by a thread as pro-Russian separatists continue to occupy numerous public buildings and international actors remain divided over how long to wait for Russia to implement the accord before placing new sanctions. While the West accuses Russia of provoking and influencing the unrest, Russia points the finger at Ukraine’s interim leadership which it claims is illegal and “fascist”.

State-building in Iraq since 2003: the Challenges and Lessons. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 12/2014

Introduction. In 2003, Iraq was invaded by the US coalition forces that ousted Saddam Hussein’s regime from power before occupying the whole country. The intension, declared by the then American George W. Bush, was to ‘build a decent and democratic society at the centre of the Middle East’ that ‘will become a place of progress and peace.’1 In 2014, three years after the withdrawal of the last American soldier, however, it is difficult to overestimate or exaggerate what is at stake. National unity and territorial integrity have never been so seriously threatened since the country is experiencing the internal fighting in its modern history. Many parts of Iraq, including the northern oil city of Kirkuk, long claimed as an integral part of the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan, are out of the control of the central government. Large areas in the north including the strategic city of Mosul were seized by the fighters of the Islamic State, an Al-Qaeda offshoot, formerly known as ISIS, who threatened to invade the Kurdistan region before being attacked by airstrikes by the US. They proclaimed a caliphate on both sides of the border with Syria, where they also control vast territory.

The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. OSW Commentary No. 131, 28.03.2014

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

How far do the borders of the west extend? Russian/Polish strategic conflicts in the period 1990-2010. OSW Report, 2010-03-18

From a historical perspective, the last two decades can almost be regarded as a 'golden age' of Polish-Russian relations. This is the first time in several centuries that a sovereign Poland and Russia have been able to develop mutual relations without resorting to force; moreover, they have established a bilateral legal basis and put into practice its provisions on "the inviolability of borders, territorial integrity, non-interference with internal affairs and the nations' right to self-determination. This does not change the fact that since 1990 the atmosphere between the two countries has much more often been chilly and tense. Contrary to the widely-held belief, Polish-Russian conflicts do not stem from genetic Russophobia on the part of Poland, or irrational prejudice on the part of Russia. Their substance is real and concerns strategic issues. At the deepest level, though, this is a dispute about how far the borders of the Western world extend, and about the Russian Federation's sphere of influence. However, it is not a clash between two states; moreover, Poland is certainly not the most important actor in this regard, although due to the historical context and its geographic location, it is one of the countries that lies closest to the 'line of contact', and is therefore particularly entangled in the disagreement.

A captive island. Kaliningrad between Moscow and the EU. OSW Study 41/2012

The Kaliningrad region can be called a 'captive island', because of its specific geopolitical location - it is part of the Russian legal, political and economic space, yet it is geographically separated from the rest of the Russian Federation, and it is particularly open to co-operation with its neighbours in the European Union. Moscow is trying to compensate the region for its separation, offering it financial support and economic privileges.At the same time, it is sensitive to any potential challenges to Russia's territorial integrity - and the centre's desire for control over the region often limits the latter's potential for cooperation and internal development. This report presents the situation in the region, and is intended to help develop a model for its effective regional co-operation with its EU neighbours.

The Baltic states on the conflict in Ukraine. OSW Commentary [no doc #] 2015-01-23

Before Russia began its aggression against Ukraine, including the annexation of Crimea, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had felt a higher level of security due to their membership in NATO and the EU. This has now changed. The authorities of these states claim that Russia has been pursuing an aggressive policy towards them for a long time, using various instruments of pressure. They claim that Russia is now able to organise acts of sabotage against them in several areas and that these could threaten both their internal stability and the territorial integrity of the region. The Baltic states’ reaction to the threat from Russia has demonstrated that the level of cooperation between them is low. It has also revealed certain weaknesses in several areas of how these states function, which Moscow may be willing to use for its own purposes. Paradoxically, this has created a chance for the Baltic states’ governments to take measures which in different political circumstances would meet with resistance from society, such as strengthening the military sector and the level of energy security.

Crimea one year after Russian annexation. EPC Policy Brief, 24 March 2015

On 18 March 2014, the Lower House of the Russian Parliament approved a Treaty to annex the Ukrainian Black Sea Peninsula of Crimea by 443 to 1 votes. This act violated Ukraine's sovereignty, representing a fundamental breach of international law; the Helsinki Final Act of 1975 and the terms of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, whereby the nuclear arsenal stationed on Ukraine's territory after the collapse of the Soviet Union was relinquished in exchange for security assurances of its sovereign territorial integrity. Russia, the US, France and the UK all signed. The annexation also violated a number of bilateral agreements between Ukraine and Russia. Russia's actions were immediately condemned by the international community. A 13 March European Parliament Resolution "firmly condemns Russia's act of aggression in invading Crimea, which is an inseparable part of Ukraine and recognised as such by the Russian Federation".

The harsh reality of Ukraine's fiscal arithmetic. Bruegel Policy Contribution ISSUE 2015/07, June 2015

Ukraine is struggling with both external aggression and the dramatically poor shape of its economy. The pace of political and institutional change has so far been too slow to prevent the deepening of the fiscal and balance-of-payments crises, while business confidence continues to be undermined. • Unfortunately, the 2015 International Monetary Fund Extended Fund Facility programme repeats many weaknesses of the 2014 IMF Stand-by Arrangement: slow pace of fiscal adjustment especially in the two key areas of energy prices and pension entitlements, lack of a comprehensive structural and institutional reform vision, and insufficient external financing to close the expected balance-of-payments gap and allow Ukraine to return to debt sustainability in the long term. • The reform process in Ukraine must be accelerated and better managed. A frontloaded fiscal adjustment is necessary to stabilise public finances and the balance-of-payments, and to bring inflation down. The international community, especially the European Union, should offer sufficient financial aid backed by strong conditionality, technical assistance and support to Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity.

Pivot or periphery? Xinjiang's regional development and Chinese-Central Asian relations at the century's end

Xinjiang, once described by Owen Lattimore as the "pivot of Asia", has played a strategically important role in China's national defense and security. Historically linked on the famous Silk Road with Central Asia, Xinjiang was crucial to East-West economic and cultural exchanges. During the period of Russian/Soviet expansion into Central Asia and Sino-Soviet rivalry, China's need for Xinjiang's defense and territorial integrity became paramount, and consequently Xinjiang's economy was relegated to the periphery.^ The demise of the Soviet Union--which resulted in the independence of five Central Asian states--and China's reform suggest dramatic new possibilities for Xinjiang's regional development as well as interregional cooperation. As China has begun to shift regional emphasis to the interior, Xinjiang's economic development will be accelerated. With the growth of Sino/Xinjiang-Central Asian relations, Xinjiang's importance will not only be borne out in terms of defense and security, but more significantly in terms of trade and economics. At the century's end and the beginning of the 21st century, Xinjiang will likely move away from the periphery and play an increasingly pivotal role in the economy. ^

El patrimonio cultural tangible e intangible articulado a la ordenación territorial aplicado al caso del cantón Paltas provincia de Loja

En el Ecuador la base legal como la Constitución del 2008 y el Código Orgánico de Organización Territorial, Autonomía y descentralización (COOTAD), establecen la organización político administrativa del territorio en diferentes niveles de gobierno, sean estos regiones, provincias, cantones, parroquias rurales y también de régimen especial, para ello estos niveles adquieren funciones de integridad para realizar legislación, ejecución, fiscalización y de participación ciudadana, en donde se alcanzará y se promoverá el desarrollo sustentable en el marco del plan nacional del buen vivir. Para lograr este legado, los diferentes Gobiernos Autónomos Descentralizados deben elaborar y ejecutar el Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial (POT) y el Plan de Desarrollo y Ordenamiento Territorial (PDOT), de acuerdo a sus competencias de circunscripción territorial. Por competencia exclusiva les corresponde a los gobiernos municipales " formular, aprobar y evaluar los planes, programas y proyectos destinados a la preservación, mantenimiento y difusión del patrimonio arquitectónico, cultural y natural de su circunscripción..... Para el efecto, el patrimonio en referencia será considerado en todas sus expresiones tangibles e intangible...” (COOTAD Art. 144). Lamentablemente la mayoría de estos gobiernos municipales poco o nada han incorporado el patrimonio cultural tangible e intangible en sus fases de análisis de, diagnóstico, propuesta y modelo gestión. Como base fundamental tomaremos la guía metodológica para la elaboración de planes de desarrollo y ordenamiento que presenta la SENPLADES en el año 2014y la propuesta que realiza el Dr. Domingo Gómez Orea en su libro Ordenación Territorial 2da edición, de ahí se propone una alternativa metodológica de articulación del patrimonio cultural y ordenamiento territorial. Y para lograr este objetivo, utilizaremos la información disponible que cuenta el Instituto nacional de Patrimonio Cultural (INPC) en su sistema informatizado que se encuentra en la página Web www.inpc.gob.ec, denominado Sistema de Información Patrimonial Cultural del Ecuador (SIPCE), esta base de información que contiene fichas de inventario en sus diferentes ámbitos culturales como inmuebles, muebles, documentos. Arqueológicos y manifestaciones inmateriales, previamente analizadas y georreferenciadas nos permitirán territorializar en el espacio cantonal y con ello poder realizar un análisis integrado con los otros componentes como es el medio físico, poblacional, económico, núcleos de población etc. Esta nueva metodología permitirá visualizar, conocer, aprender y empodéranos del patrimonio cultural material e inmaterial, con aquellas manifestaciones culturales y tradicionales que existen y se encuentran en vigencia. También poder recuperar y rescatar aquellas que están en peligro de desaparecer, este potencial cultural será una gran posibilidad de generar emprendimientos y desarrollo sustentable. La manera más idónea de concretar y fomentar este desarrollo sustentable en territorio será a través de la formulación de programas, planes y proyectos que deberán plantearse en los planes de ordenamiento territorial y los planes de desarrollo territorial. Finalmente para comprobar esta nueva propuesta metodológica de articulación entre el patrimonio cultural y el ordenamiento territorial, la aplicaremos al cantón Paltas de la provincia de Loja.

Brazilian territorial dynamics and the inversion of the ""frontier thesis"" in the southern new world

It is a generally acknowledged fact that the dynamics of frontier advance deeply influenced the broad experience of American post colonial societies. The colonization, which started most from the east boundaries of the continent, appropriated and gradually transformed the American territories from east to west. The advance, initially represented by the arrival of the European settlers, went on to become an important trace of that society which did not come to know any physical limits of a restricted territory. However, despite the common identity granted by these territorial dynamics, the later developments and consequences seem to have shaped differently the Northern representatives from their Southern counterparts. In addition, the interpretation of these facts bore in each of these regions different meanings and traits.

Confederações indígenas em luta por participação política, comercial e territorial: Argentina, 1852 - 1859

Entre 1852 e 1859, a atual Argentina se encontrava politicamente dividida entre Buenos Aires e a Confederação, que congregava as demais Províncias. Nesse período, diferentes grupos étnicos dos pampas, dos Andes e da Patagônia se organizaram em confederações indígenas com o objetivo de enfrentar os avanços territoriais, defender suas autonomias e a participação em lucrativas redes de comércio. Nesta luta por autonomia política, territorial e comercial, negociaram com os grupos criollos em luta pelo poder, avaliaram seus projetos e aderiram a aquele que os reconheceu enquanto interlocutores políticos e aliados militares. Participantes ativos da política argentina, conseguiram reconquistar territórios e oferecer intensas resistências aos criollos.

Surface integrity analysis in the super duplex stainless steel ASTM-A890 after machining

The purpose of this paper was to study the main effects of the turning in the superficial integrity of the duplex stainless steel ASTM A890-6A. The tests were conducted on a turning centre with carbide tools and the main entrances variables were: tool material class, feed rate, cutting depth, cutting speed and cutting fluid utilisation. The answers were analysed: microstructural analysis by optical microscopy and x-ray diffraction, cutting forces measurements by a piezoelectric dynamometer, surface roughness, residual stress by x-ray diffraction technique and the microhardness measurements. The results do not show any changes in the microstructural of the material, even when the greater cutting parameters were used. The smaller feed rate (0.1 mm/v), smaller cutting speed (110 m/min) and the greater cutting depth (0.5 mm) provided the smaller values for the tensile residual stress, the smaller surface roughness and the greater microhardness.