987 resultados para political meaning


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This paper presents a case study of the self-confident and creative fusion of European and African political symbols and rituals that is characteristic of Ghanaian statehood and nation-making. It explores the aesthetic and historical genealogy of the Ghanaian ‘Seat of State’, a throne-like stool on which the President sits when attending Parliament on important state occasions. The Seat was crafted in the early 1960s by Kofi Antubam, one of the chief ‘state artists’ during the Nkrumah regime, and incorporates symbols of Asante royal authority, European aristocratic imagery as well as Ghanaian neo-traditional emblems such as the Black Star. The discussion of the Seat of State’s political meaning is followed by some more general observations on the history of party politics and parliamentary procedure in Ghana as examples of travelling political paradigms.

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La tesi affronta la vita e la riflessione politica di Beatrice Potter collocandola all’interno del pensiero politico britannico ed europeo della fine dell’Ottocento e dei primi decenni del Novecento. Rispetto alla maggior parte della bibliografia disponibile, risulta un’autonomia e un’originalità anche rispetto alla riflessione del marito Sidney Webb. La riflessione politica di Potter è caratterizzata in primo luogo dalla ricerca del significato immediatamente politico di quella scienza sociale, che si sta affermando come approccio scientifico dominante nell’intero panorama europeo. Il lavoro è diviso in tre ampi capitoli così suddivisi: il primo ricostruisce l’eredità intellettuale di Potter, con particolare attenzione al rapporto con la filosofia evoluzionista di Herbert Spencer, suo mentore e amico. In questo capitolo vengono anche discussi i contributi di John Stuart Mill, Joseph Chamberlain, Alfred Marshall e Karl Marx e la loro influenza sull’opera di Potter. Il secondo capitolo prende in esame la sua opera prima dell’incontro con il marito e mostra come lo studio della povertà, del lavoro, della metropoli, della cooperazione e delle condizioni delle donne getti le basi di tutta la produzione successiva della partnership. Lo studio politico della povertà, cioè la messa a punto di una scienza amministrativa del carattere sociale del lavoro, rappresenta uno degli elementi principali di quella che viene qui definita un’epistemologia della democrazia. Il terzo capitolo riprende il tema cruciale della democrazia nella sua accezione «industriale» e indaga il ruolo funzionale dello Stato, anche in relazione alla teoria pluralista di Harold Laski, al socialismo guildista di George D. H. Cole e all’idealismo di Bernard Bosanquet. Centrale in questo confronto del pensiero di Potter con il più ampio dibattito degli anni venti e trenta sulla sovranità è la concezione della decadenza della civiltà capitalista e dell’emergere di una new civilisation, dopo la conversione al comunismo sovietico.

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La tesi indaga l’esperienza del teatro comunitario, una delle espressioni artistiche più originali e pressoché sconosciute nel panorama teatrale novecentesco, che ha avuto in Argentina un punto di riferimento fondamentale. Questo fenomeno, che oggi conta cinquanta compagnie dal nord al sud del paese latinoamericano, e qualcuna in Europa, affonda le sue radici nella Buenos Aires della post-dittatura, in una società che continua a risentire degli esiti del terrore di Stato. Il teatro comunitario nasce dalla necessità di un gruppo di persone di un determinato quartiere di riunirsi in comunità e comunicare attraverso il teatro, con l'obiettivo di costruire un significato sociale e politico. La prima questione messa a fuoco riguarda la definizione della categoria di studio: quali sono i criteri che consentono di identificare, all’interno della molteplicità di pratiche teatrali collettive, qualcosa di sicuramente riconducibile a questo fenomeno. Nel corso dell’indagine si è rivelata fondamentale la comprensione dei conflitti dell’esperienza reale e l’individuazione dei caratteri comuni, al fine di procedere a un esercizio di generalizzazione. La ricerca ha imposto la necessità di comprendere i meccanismi mnemonici e identitari che hanno determinato e, a loro volta, sono stati riattivati dalla nascita di questa esperienza. L’analisi, supportata da studi filosofici e antropologici, è volta a comprendere come sia cambiata la percezione della corporeità in un contesto di sparizione dei corpi, dove il lavoro sulla memoria riguarda in particolare i corpi assenti (desaparecidos). L’originalità del tema ha imposto la riflessione su un approccio metodologico in grado di esercitare una adeguata funzione euristica, e di fungere da modello per studi futuri. Sono stati pertanto scavalcati i confini degli studi teatrologici, con particolare attenzione alle svolte culturali e storiche che hanno preceduto e affiancato l’evoluzione del fenomeno.

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Central Eastern Europe, the research area this paper is concerned with, is a region characterized by a high diversity of languages and cultures. It is, at the same time, an area where political, cultural and social conflicts have emerged over time, nowadays especially in border zones, where people of different ethnic, cultural or linguistic background live. In this context, it is important for us researchers to get balanced interview data, and consequently we very often have to conduct interviews in several different languages and within changing cultural contexts. In order to avoid "communication problems" or even conflictual (interview) situations, which might damage the outcome of the research, we are thus challenged to find appropriate communication strategies for any of these situations. This is especially difficult when we are confronted with language or culture-specific terminology or taboo expressions that carry political meaning(s). Once the interview data is collected and it comes to translating and analysing it, we face further challenges and new questions arise. First of all, we have to decide what a good translation strategy would be. Many words and phrases that exist in one language do not have an exact equivalent in another. Therefore we have to find a solution for translating these expressions and concepts in a way that their meanings do not get "lost by translation". In this paper I discuss and provide insights to these challenges by presenting and discussing numerous examples from the region in question. Specifically, I focus on the deconstruction of the meaning of geographical names and politically loaded expressions in order to show the sensitivities of language, the difficulties of research in multilingual settings and with multilingual data as well as the strategies or "ways out" of certain dilemmas.

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La actual crisis sistémica ha operado como una estructura de oportunidad sobre la que han cristalizado nuevos discursos, nuevas prácticas y nuevas estructuras políticas. La irrupción del 15M, de la Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH) o de las llamadas “mareas” han permitido la visibilización de modos de hacer política que marcan una diferencia explícita con las prácticas asociadas al establishment político del llamado “régimen del 78”. Algunas de las prácticas popularizadas por estos movimientos han llegado a ser asumidas por amplias capas de la población. Entre ellas, destaca la asamblea como método legítimo de toma de decisiones. En esta comunicación planteamos un análisis de la asamblea como ritual político, deteniéndonos en la descripción de sus lógicas organizativas, principios de legimitación y características formales. A través de datos etnográficos recabados en la ciudad de Alcalá de Guadaíra (Sevilla) rastreamos la trama específica de discursos, prácticas y relaciones observables en el seno de las asambleas organizadas por el movimiento 15M. Finalmente, y a través de estos datos, reflexionamos sobre el sentido político del ritual en tiempos de crisis.

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The purpose of the thesis for obtaining this PhD diploma is a comparative research between the origin of the Catalonian national movement and the Sardinian national one through the analysis of the 19th century periodicals as well as through a bibliography obtained by extracting them from consulted newspapers and magazines. Not only are both realities compared because of the Aragonese-Catalan influence over the Sardinian culture during its conquer but also because both movements had their origin during the 1840s and developed concurrently along that century presenting some differences, though. The political and cultural scene in Sardinia in those years was characterized by the spread of a discomfort feeling among the population after the acceptance of the “ Fusione perfetta” in 1848 and the following rollout of the “Statuto Albertino” in the island, representing this last regulation an attempt to unify the different Italian provinces in an administrative and legislative way, together with the previous “Feliciano” code from 1827. Therefore, this is how it began to be defined the set of political, economic, and cultural theme that forms the central point of the “questione sarda” (this term and its whole connotation were used for the first time in 1867 in an article published in the Cagliaritano weekly-publication La Cronaca). The singularity of this Sardinian nationalistic movement is related to the origin of the first regional demands expressed during those same years in some European regions and, more specifically, in Catalonia. Actually in this region, in those same years, we find the origin of a cultural movement called RenaixenÇa whose initial claim was the linguistic and cultural Catalonian renaissance and which adopted a more political meaning along the 19th century...

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Este ensayo analizo el proceso de insurrección callejera espontánea presentado en la ciudad de Panamá en 1856, estableciendo el significado ético-político de este proceder en la construcción de la identidad nacional panameña.

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This thesis argues that the end of Soviet Marxism and a bipolar global political imaginary at the dissolution of the short Twentieth Century poses an obstacle for anti-systemic political action. Such a blockage of alternate political imaginaries can be discerned by reading the work of Francis Fukuyama and "Endism" as performative invocations of the closure of political alternatives, and thus as an ideological proclamation which enables and constrains forms of social action. It is contended that the search through dialectical thought for a competing universal to posit against "liberal democracy" is a fruitless one, because it reinscribes the terms of teleological theories of history which work to effect closure. Rather, constructing a phenomenological analytic of the political conjuncture, the thesis suggests that the figure of messianism without a Messiah is central to a deconstructive reframing of the possibilities of political action - a reframing attentive to the rhetorical tone of texts. The project of recovering the political is viewed through a phenomenological lens. An agonistic political distinction must be made so as to memorialise the remainders and ghosts of progress, and thus to gesture towards an indeconstructible justice which would serve as a horizon for the articulation of an empty universal. This project is furthered by a return to a certain phenomenology inspired by Cornelius Castoriadis, Claude Lefort, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Ernesto Laclau. The thesis provides a reading of Jacques Derrida and Walter Benjamin as thinkers of a minor universalism, a non-prescriptive utopia, and places their work in the context of new understandings of religion and the political as quasi-transcendentals which can be utilised to think through the aporias of political time in order to grasp shards of meaning. Derrida and Chantal Mouffe's deconstructive critique and supplement to Carl Schmitt's concept of the political is read as suggestive of a reframing of political thought which would leave the political question open and thus enable the articulation of social imaginary significations able to inscribe meaning in the field of political action. Thus, the thesis gestures towards a form of thought which enables rather than constrains action under the sign of justice.

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Artists with disabilities working in Live Art paradigms often present performances which replay the social attitudes they are subject to in daily life as guerilla theatre in public spaces – including online spaces. In doing so, these artists draw spectators’ attention to the way their responses to disabled people contribute to the social construction of disability. They provide different theatrical, architectural or technological devices to encourage spectators to articulate their response to themselves and others. But – the use of exaggeration, comedy and confrontation in these practices notwithstanding – their blurry boundaries mean some spectators experience confusion as to whether they are responding to real life or a representation of it. This results in conflicted responses which reveal as much about the politics of disability as the performances themselves. In this paper, I examine how these conflicted responses play out in online forums. I discuss diverse examples, from blog comments on Liz Crow’s Resistance on the Plinth on YouTube, to Aaron Williamson and Katherine Araneillo’s Disabled Avant-Garde clips on YouTube, to Ju Gosling’s Letter Writing Project on her website, to segments of UK Channel 4’s mock reality show Cast Offs on YouTube. I demonstrate how online forums become a place not just for recording memories of an original performance (which posters may not have seen), but for a new performance, which goes well beyond re-membering/remediating the original. I identify trends in the way experience, memory and meaningmaking play out in these performative forums – moving from clarification of the original act’s parameters, to claims of disgust, insult or offense, to counter-claims confirming the comic or political efficacy of the act, often linked disclosure of personal memory or experience of disability. I examine the way these encounters at the interstices of live and/or online performance, memory, technology and public/private history negotiate ideas about disability, and what they tell us about the ethics and efficacy of the specific modes of performance and spectatorship these artists with disabilities are invoking.

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This study explores the meaning, content and significance of the political as manifest in the Mexican Zapatista movement as historically and geopolitically situated struggle. The case study undertakes a critical analysis of the development, organization, practice and discourse of the movement by drawing on fieldwork experiences, interviews, discussions, documents, films and other material produced by the movement, and the critical engagement with the research of others, especially in Latin America and Mexico. The dissertation poses the need to reconsider what constitutes and what we understand by the political , related particularly to the challenges provided by the critical globalization literature, decolonization and the study of social movements. The analysis encompasses several inter-related levels: the theoretical knowledge regarding the conceptualization of the political; the methodological level, regarding how such research can and should be conducted and knowledge claims formulated given the inescapable context and effects of global power relations; and the substantive level of adding specific information and analytical insights to existing knowledge of the Zapatista movement. As a result of conceptualization of a range of practices and processes, distinct understandings of the political can be underlined. Firstly, the conception of the indigenous and the struggles as indigenous movements as specifically political, not just a cultural or ethnic identity or a static quality but rather, an active consciousness integrally linked both to a longer history of oppression and as political articulation in the concrete context and lived experience of contemporary struggle. Secondly, the practice of autonomy as central to an understanding of the political in the context of the Zapatista struggle as a practical response to the situation of oppression, counter-insurgency, siege and conflict in Chiapas, as well as a positively informed mode of political self-understanding, expression and practice in its own right. Thirdly, the notion of geopolitical positioning as important to understanding of the political that encompasses the historicity of specific context and the power relations which shape that context, developed in two different ways: in regard to the positioning of the researcher and knowledge production with and about the Zapatistas, and in regard to the practice and knowledge of the Zapatistas as a decolonizing force in their encounters, interaction and relations with others, especially the global civil society. Finally, the role of silence, absence, invisibility, revelation and hiding in political practice as a deliberate strategy in response to oppressive power. -