68 resultados para intersex


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A high prevalence of gonad morphological variations has been observed in whitefish Coregonus lavaretus from Lake Thun (Switzerland). To clarify the role of endocrine disruption as a possible cause of the gonad alterations, whitefish were reared in a long-term laboratory experiment under exposure to 17 beta-estradiol (E2). Fish were fed from first-feeding until 3 yr of age at a daily rate of 0 (control), 0.5 or 50 microg E2 kg(-1) fish. E2 exposure resulted in a time- and concentration-dependent increase of prevalence and intensity of intersex gonads, i.e. gonads that macroscopically appeared as either testis or ovary but microscopically contained both male and female germ cells. Four types of intersex could be distinguished: Types 1 and 2 were composed of mainly male tissue, with Type 1 containing single oocytes and Type 2 displaying an ovary-like lamellar structure of the tissue. In Type 3, an increased percentage of the tissue was occupied by female germ cells, while in Type 4, the majority of the gonad tissue consisted of female germ cells. Chronic E2 exposure additionally resulted in a concentration-dependent shift of the sex ratio towards females, a reduced condition factor, retarded gonad growth together with delayed maturation of germ cells, and elevated levels of hepatic vitellogenin mRNA. However, Lake Thun-typical alterations of gonad morphology were not induced by chronic E2 exposure. The results provide evidence that estrogen-active compounds unlikely play a role in the etiology of gonad malformations in Lake Thun whitefish.

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This study aimed to investigate the male-to-female morphological and physiological transdifferentiation process in rainbow trout (Oncorhynchus mykiss) exposed to exogenous estrogens. The first objective was to elucidate whether trout develop intersex gonads under exposure to low levels of estrogen. To this end, the gonads of an all-male population of fry exposed chronically (from 60 to 136 days post fertilization--dpf) to several doses (from environmentally relevant 0.01 µg/L to supra-environmental levels: 0.1, 1 and 10 µg/L) of the potent synthetic estrogen ethynylestradiol (EE2) were examined histologically. The morphological evaluations were underpinned by the analysis of gonad steroid (testosterone, estradiol and 11-ketotestosterone) levels and of brain and gonad gene expression, including estrogen-responsive genes and genes involved in sex differentiation in (gonads: cyp19a1a, ER isoforms, vtg, dmrt1, sox9a2; sdY; cyp11b; brain: cyp19a1b, ER isoforms). Intersex gonads were observed from the first concentration used (0.01 µg EE2/L) and sexual inversion could be detected from 0.1 µg EE2/L. This was accompanied by a linear decrease in 11-KT levels, whereas no effect on E2 and T levels was observed. Q-PCR results from the gonads showed downregulation of testicular markers (dmrt1, sox9a2; sdY; cyp11b) with increasing EE2 exposure concentrations, and upregulation of the female vtg gene. No evidence was found for a direct involvement of aromatase in the sex conversion process. The results from this study provide evidence that gonads of male trout respond to estrogen exposure by intersex formation and, with increasing concentration, by morphological and physiological conversion to phenotypic ovaries. However, supra-environmental estrogen concentrations are needed to induce these changes.

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The growth of three cohorts of captive reared cobia, grown in a combination of flow-though and recirculating aquaculture systems, was progressively measured to determine the existence and extent of sexually dimorphic growth in cobia. Approximately 100 fish from each cohort were individually identified and regularly weighed until the average weight of the fish was approximately 5 kg. The sex of individuals was determined through gonadal observations at the conclusion of each trial and the gender fitted retrospectively to the growth data set. Intersex gonads were observed in the first two cohorts of cobia, with 16.9% incidence in cohort 1 and 6.8% in cohort 2. Cobia is considered a gonochoristic species. This was the first reported observation of intersex gonads in cobia and the first reported occurrence of intersex gonads from a gonochoristic fish species from Australian waters. Only one fish out of the 182 examined in the third cohort was identified as intersex. There was no sexually dimorphic growth in cobia when there was a relatively high incidence of the intersex anomaly, as seen in the first two cohorts of fish. In the relative absence of the intersex condition, female cobia was significantly larger than males from 2 kg onwards. The weight of female cobia was almost 30% more than that of males at 17 months of age when average weight of the cohort was 4.6 kg. It is likely that the first two cobia cohorts were exposed to endocrine disruption in some form, and the possible sources are discussed. Statement of relevance This study demonstrated that female cobia grow significantly faster than male fish and that investigations into monosex culture could lead to significant productivity gains for cobia aquaculture. It also demonstrated that cohorts containing intersex fish did not exhibit sexually dimorphic growth. It is likely that the reproductive anomaly is the result of disruption to the endocrine system.

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The appearance of testicular oocytes (TO) in wild fish populations has received considerable attention in the scientific literature and public media. Current methods to quantify TO are lethal; instead, a non-lethal alternative was examined. Laparoscopic insertion into the genital pore allowed internal visualization of the gonad and detection of TO by collecting five testis biopsies in smallmouth bass Micropterus dolomieu and largemouth bass Micropterus salmoides. Overall, biopsies quantified similar levels of TO detection and severity to conventional transverse sectioning with less than 10% mortality. Suitability of surgical anesthetics, tricaine methanesulfonate and electronarcosis were examined in laboratory and field applications. Electronarcosis had the added benefit of rapid sex identification and immediate release of female fish with minimal trauma, representing significant benefits when sampling small or compromised populations. Laparoscopy may be useful for monitoring the prevalence and severity of TO in these fish species when lethal sampling is not a desired outcome.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is not only a problem for heterosexual couples. Although research in the area is beset by methodological and definitional problems, studies generally demonstrate that IPV also affects those who identify as non-heterosexual; that is, those sexualities that are typically categorized as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI). IPV appears to be at least as prevalent in LGBTI relationships as it is in heterosexual couples, and follows similar patterns (e.g. Australian Research Centre on Sex, Health and Society 2006; Donovan et al. 2006; Chan 2005; Craft and Serovich 2005; Burke et al. 2002; Jeffries and Ball 2008; Kelly and Warshafsky 1987; Letellier 1994; Turrell 2000; Ristock 2003; Vickers 1996). There is, however, little in the way of specific community or social services support available to either victims or perpetrators of violence in same-sex relationships (see Vickers 1996). In addition, there are important differences in the experience of IPV between LGBTI and non-LGBTI victims, and even among LGBTI individuals; for example, among transgender populations (Chan 2005), and those who are HIV sero-positive (Craft and Serovich 2005). These different experiences of IPV include the use of HIV and the threat of “outing” a partner as tools of control, as just two examples (Jeffries and Ball 2008; Salyer 1999; WA Government 2008b). Such differences impact on how LGBTI victims respond to the violence, including whether or not and how they seek help, what services they are able to avail themselves of, and how likely they are to remain with, or return to, their violent partners (Burke et al. 2002). This chapter explores the prevalent heteronormative discourses that surround IPV, both within the academic literature, and in general social and government discourses. It seeks to understand how same-sex IPV remains largely invisible, and suggests that these dominant discourses play a major role in maintaining this invisibility. In many respects, it builds on work by a number of scholars who have begun to interrogate the criminal justice and social discourses surrounding violent crime, primarily sexual violence, and who problematize these discourses (see for example Carmody 2003; Carmody and Carrington 2000; Marcus 1992). It will begin by outlining these dominant discourses, and then problematize these by identifying some of the important differences between LGBTI IPV and IPV in heterosexual relationships. In doing so, this chapter will suggest some possible reasons for the silence regarding IPV in LGBTI relationships, and the effects that this can have on victims. Although an equally important area of research, and another point at which the limitations of dominant social discourses surrounding IPV can be brought to light, this chapter will not examine violence experienced by heterosexual men at the hands of their intimate female partners. Instead, it will restrict itself to IPV perpetrated within same-sex relationships.

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The word “queer” is a slippery one; its etymology is uncertain, and academic and popular usage attributes conflicting meanings to the word. By the mid-nineteenth century, “queer” was used as a pejorative term for a (male) homosexual. This negative connotation continues when it becomes a term for homophobic abuse. In recent years, “queer” has taken on additional uses: as an all encompassing term for culturally marginalised sexualities – gay, lesbian, trans, bi, and intersex (“GLBTI”) – and as a theoretical strategy which deconstructs binary oppositions that govern identity formation. Tracing its history, the Oxford English Dictionary notes that the earliest references to “queer” may have appeared in the sixteenth century. These early examples of queer carried negative connotations such as “vulgar,” “bad,” “worthless,” “strange,” or “odd” and such associations continued until the mid-twentieth century. The early nineteenth century, and perhaps earlier, employed “queer” as a verb, meaning to “to put out of order,” “to spoil”, “to interfere with”. The adjectival form also began to emerge during this time to refer to a person’s condition as being “not normal,” “out of sorts” or to cause a person “to feel queer” meaning “to disconcert, perturb, unsettle.” According to Eve Sedgwick (1993), “the word ‘queer’ itself means across – it comes from the Indo-European root – twerkw, which also yields the German quer (traverse), Latin torquere (to twist), English athwart . . . it is relational and strange.” Despite the gaps in the lineage and changes in usage, meaning and grammatical form, “queer” as a political and theoretical strategy has benefited from its diverse origins. It refuses to settle comfortably into a single classification, preferring instead to traverse several categories that would otherwise attempt to stabilise notions of chromosomal sex, gender and sexuality.

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This chapter reports on a narrative project recording the experiences of LGBT former and current police officers in the Queensland Police Service (QPS), Australia. It begins by examining the historical and research contexts of LGBT police officers, followed by a discussion of the methodology employed for the project. The chapter then examines and analyzes key themes emerging from the data about coming out, macho police culture, and the double life syndrome often experienced by LGBT police officers. Finally, it suggests that further research might uncover a more widespread application of these findings.

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Queer student activists are a visible aspect of Australian tertiary communities. Institutionally there are a number of organisations and tools representing and serving gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex and ‘otherwise queer identifying’ (GLBTIQ) students. ‘Queer’ is a contentious term with meanings ranging from a complex deconstructive academic theory to a term for ‘gay’. Despite the institutional applications, the definition remains unclear and under debate. In this thesis I examine queer student activists’ production of print media, a previously under-researched area. In queer communities, print media provides crucial grounding for a model of queer. Central to identity formation and activism, this media is a site of textuality for the construction and circulation of discourses of queer student media. Thus, I investigate the various ways Australian queer student activists construct queer, queer identity, and queer activism in their print media. I use discourse analysis, participant observation and semi-structured interviews to enable a thorough investigation of both the process and the products of queer student media. My findings demonstrate that queer student activists’ politics are grounded in a range of ideologies drawing from Marxism, Feminism, Gay Liberation, Anti-assimilation and Queer Theory. Grounded in queer theoretical perspectives of performativity this research makes relatively new links between Queer Theory and Media Studies in its study of the production contexts of queer student media. In doing so, I show how the university context informs student articulations of queer, proving the necessity to locate research within its social-cultural setting. My research reveals that, much like Queer Theory, these representations of queer are rich with paradox. I argue that queer student activists are actually theorising queer. I call for a reconceptualisation of Queer Theory and question the current barriers between who is considered a ‘theorist’ of queer and who is an ‘activist’. If we can think about ‘theory’ as encompassing the work of activists, what implications might this have for politics and analysis?

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The introduction to the first volume of Queering Paradigms suggested that to queer a paradigm is to of fer a challenge to “the hetero/homonormative and gender binarist assumptions of any given academic discourse.” As queer subjects defy the “seduction of identity by exclusion,” and celebrate “the whole potential of sexuality and gender fluidity and diversity,” any attempt to understand them through the lenses offered by standard discourse is destined to fail (Scherer 2010: 2). “Queer” is not simply a synonym for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Questioning/Queer (LGBTIQ) subjects, as common use might suggest. Rather, it ought to be read as a reference to all who defy being pigeon-holed, pushed to the margins, or being pressured to adopt common social narratives regarding gender and sexuality.

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Speaking Out documents the outcomes of the largest ever study to examine homophobic and transphobic abuse and reporting in Queensland, Australia. It reports the results of a quantitative survey on victimisation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) people and how this victimisation is reported to police. Follow-up qualitative interviews and focus groups were also conducted with LGBTIQ people to examine the impact of this abuse and the reporting to police. This research is timely as we can sometimes assume LGBTIQ victimisation is a historical problem and may be settled by the idea that relations with police are in good shape. This book clearly demonstrates that we have some way to go before we can be assured these issues have been resolved...

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GLBTI (gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex) police liaison programs have been an important part of policing these communities for a number of decades now. In fact, this model appears to dominate approaches as the preferred way to manage relationships between GLBTI communities and police. Interestingly, while this model dominates, research on the effectiveness of this model, and the services that align with it, is limited. To date, only few studies have asked critical questions about the effectiveness of GLBTI police liaison services. For instance, we know that over 70% of GLBTI communities are aware of police liaison services, but only 4% of those victimised access them (Berman & Robinson, 2010). This paper critically examines existing literature about GLBTI police liaison services to demonstrate key themes and omissions. It argues that police liaison services as a preferred model has been taken for granted as the correct way of engaging with GLBTI communities in ways that may exclude other forms of engagement, and suggests that further research into these liaison programs is necessary if the relationships between GLBTI communities and the police are to be strengthened.

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Within criminological literature, there are growing references to a 'queer/ed criminology'. To date, ‘queer criminology’ remains a loose collection of studies and criminal-justice related commentary that uses the term 'queer'. Amid the growing calls for the more substantial development of these criminological studies, it is timely to reflect on the ways that the term ‘queer’ has been used in these discourses, to what ends, and with what effects. This paper considers the manner in which the term 'queer' has been used in these criminological and criminal justice discourses. It suggests that ‘queer’ has been used in two dominant ways: as an 'umbrella' term for lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, and queer-identified people; and to signify the use of theoretical tools with which to represent sexuality- and gender-diverse people more effectively within criminological research. The paper will argue that these ways of using ‘queer’ have a variety of implications and effects. Specifically, using ‘queer’ as an umbrella term has the potential to reinforce identity categories and the politics that surround identities (a critique that has often appeared in queer contexts), while using it as a theoretical tool potentially reproduces various investments in criminology and criminal justice institutions. Both uses may preclude other productive avenues for critique opened up by the term ‘queer’. The paper will conclude by suggesting that using ‘queer’ as a verb to signify a more deconstructive project directed towards criminology is a possible direction for these discussions. While this approach has its own effects, and articulates with existing deconstructive approaches in criminology, it is important to explore these possibilities at this point in the development of a ‘queer/ed criminology’ for two reasons: it highlights that multiple, and often competing, ‘queer/ed criminologies’ exist; and it expands the diverse possibilities heralded by the notion of ‘queer’.

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When I began production on my autobiographical film Orchids: My Intersex Adventure in 2004, I must admit the ethics of what I was about to do were not something I had consciously considered. Yet they encircled the work I was about to undertake in a myriad of ways...

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A number of international human rights frameworks protect the rights of young people in contact with the criminal justice system in states parties, including Australia. These frameworks inform youth justice policy in Australia’s jurisdictions. While the frameworks protect young people’s right to non-discrimination on the grounds of ‘race’, religion and political opinion, the rights of young people to non-discrimination on the grounds of sexuality and gender diversity are not explicitly protected. This is problematic given that lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) young people appear over-represented in youth justice systems. This article argues that the exclusion of this group from human rights frameworks has an important flow-on effect: the marginalisation of the right of LGBTIQ young people to non-discrimination in policy and discourse that is informed by international human rights frameworks. After outlining the relevant frameworks, this article examines the evidence about LGBTIQ young people’s interactions with youth justice agencies, particularly police. The evidence indicates that the human rights of LGBTIQ young people are frequently breached in these interactions. We conclude by arguing that it is timely to consider how best to protect the human rights of LBGTIQ young people and keep their rights on the agenda.