Die Schweizer Gemeinden im Wandel : Konvergenz oder Divergenz?

Switzerland is currently going through a phase of political restructuring. The numerous reform activities at the beginning of the twenty-first century leave almost no area of political life untouched. The reforms are particularly abundant in the 2′867 municipalities, spanning from amalgamations, intermunicipal co-operation, New Public Management, to reforms of the political systems. Accounting for the fact that there are big socio-economic differences between the municipalities as well as their political systems, we investigate whether the municipalities are headed for divergence or convergence as a result of these reforms. The empirical results are derived from three surveys of the local authorities conducted in 1988, 1994, and 1998. The results indicate that the communes do convergence in regard to their administrative and political structure. However, the convergence appears to be limited to the single cantons and observable only among certain types of municipalities.

Estratégias periféricas sessenta anos depois do acordo de Bretton Woods

After sixty years, the Bretton Woods Agreement continuous to be a reference for the debates concerning institutional organization of the international monetary system. This paper compares some features of the arrangements that have emerged in that context with the recent wave of institutional reforms in the international financial architecture. We explore some arguments suggesting that, in an instable financial environment, is possible to envisage a strong rationality in strategies for emerging economies associated with a more active capital flows and exchange rate management. Apparently, those strategies are not dissimilar to the ones today's advanced countries had used in Bretton Woods Era.

Leadership ethics and the problem of Dirty Hands in the political economy of contemporary Africa

Cet article discute des problèmes de gouvernance et de corruption en Afrique dans le cadre d’un débat politique et philosophique large entre universalisme et relativisme, idéalisme et réalisme, ainsi que entre individualisme et communautarisme. Premièrement, je défends que l’approche réaliste de l’éthique politique et du leadership ne permet pas de différencier entre les éléments descriptifs et prescriptifs de la gouvernance et peut aisément être utilisée pour justifier « les Mains Sales » des dirigeants au nom de l’intérêt supérieur de la nation, même dans les cas où l’intérêt personnel est la seule force motivationnelle pour les actions qui sapent les codes sociaux et éthiques ordinaires. Deuxièmement, l’article montre la faillite de la confiance publique dans le gouvernement et la faiblesse de l’Etat renforce les politiques communautariennes sub-nationales qui tendent à être fondées sur l’ethnie et exclusive, et par conséquent, qui viole le cœur de l’éthique publique, c’est-à-dire l’impartialité. Finalement, l’article suggère que les principes d’éthique universels pour les services publiques soient introduits en complément plutôt qu’en concurrence avec les éthiques locales, socialement et culturellement limitée au privé. Cela requière, d’une part, que nous comprenions mieux la complexité historique, les circonstances économiques et sociales et les arrangements politiques transitionnels dans les pays africains. D’autre part, un nous devons investir dans une éducation éthique civique et professionnel réflexive qui adopte un point de vue nuancé entre le réalisme politique et l’idéalisme comme point de départ des réformes institutionnelles, aussi bien que modalité de changement des comportements à long terme.

Les rapports entre droit et politique dans un contexte d'instabilité institutionnelle: Effet de contagion ? Le cas de la Belgique fédérale

"L’article a pour objectif d’analyser les relations complexes qu’entretiennent politique et droit dans un contexte d’instabilité institutionnelle marqué, à savoir le cas de la Belgique fédérale. L’objectif est de montrer que, s’il est avéré que l’emprise du droit sur le champ politique se développe et que le cas belge peut l’exemplifier, la relation entre les deux sphères ne peut être caractérisée de linaire. La Belgique connaît depuis quatre décennies des transformations institutionnelles majeures. Mais le réformisme s’étend au-delà de la sphère constitutionnelle pour toucher des domaines très divers. Les multiples variations qu’a connues le droit électoral belge ces dernières années en sont l’illustration. Le contexte belge est donc celui d’un réformisme croissant. L’accent sera cependant davantage mis sur l’impact que ce réformisme peut avoir sur les relations qu’entretiennent droit et politique. Il semblerait au premier abord que ce contexte favorise l’extension de la sphère du droit au détriment de la sphère politique. Néanmoins, deux constats viennent nuancer cette idée. D’un côté, la fuite en avant dans les matières institutionnelles découle en réalité de la polarisation du paysage politique sur le clivage linguistique. Ces développements institutionnels sont essentiellement initiés par la sphère politique elle-même, qui tente d’adapter la structure de l’Etat à une nouvelle réalité politique. D’un autre côté, le fédéralisme consociatif génère un certain nombre de difficultés de gestion. Afin de pouvoir proposer une solution qui attirerait l’approbation des deux segments linguistiques, le politique est de plus en plus régulièrement amené à passer outre certains garde-fous juridiques. Cette mainmise du politique sur le droit semble parfois contagieuse ; celle-ci s’étend alors à des domaines moins déterminants que les domaines institutionnels. La contagion réformiste génère le développement de l’expérimentation et de l’incertitude juridiques. L’ensemble de ces arguments nous amènera à proposer une vision nuancée des rapports qu’entretiennent droit et politique en Belgique fédérale."

Reforming Federal Systems: Insights from Australia, Canada, Germany and Switzerland

Série de l'Observatoire des fédérations

Análisis de la incidencia de las instituciones creadas en el 2002 en la generación de empleo en Colombia (2002-2010)

La tesis busca explicar la incidencia de las reformas institucionales del año 2002 en el comportamiento del mercado laboral y la generación de empleo durante el periodo 2002-2010

Perú - Partidos y outsiders. El proceso electoral peruano de 2006

El proceso electoral peruano del 2006 ha legitimado dos formas de hacer política: la política partidarizada que toma como base a los partidos más antiguos del sistema político (los mismos que han logrado reposicionarse luego de la década fujimorista); y la política del outsider antipartidario que toma como base un discurso crítico de la clase política y deja en un segundo plano la construcción de una propuesta orgánica e institucional. La política partidarizada subsiste a pesar de la prédica antipolítica del régimen fujimorista y del sistema partidario que colapsó en los noventa. Del mismo modo, la política del outsider permanece vigente a pesar de las reformas institucionales (Ley de Partidos Políticos) que se implementaron para evitar la fragmentación política y la incursión exitosa de estos nuevos políticos. Se establece así un “régimen de convivencia” luego de un período transicional inconcluso, que implementó tímidamente las reformas institucionales que no consiguieron fortalecer el sistema, y que estuvo signado por una constante inestabilidad política y conflictividad social.-----The 2006 Peruvian election process has legitimized two ways of going about politics: either a ‘partyist’ (or ‘partisan’) approach based on the older and more traditional parties of the political system (the same ones that have managed to reposition themselves after Fujimori’s decade), or the ‘outsider’s’ anti-party (or ‘anti-partisan’) approach which is based on a critical discourse of the extant political class, pushing aside the building-up of an institutional and organic proposal. The former type of politics survives in spite of the fervent anti-politics discourse of Fujimori’s regime and of the conspicuous collapse of the party system in the 1990’s. In much the same way, the outsiders’ politics remains in force in spite of institutional reforms (Ley de Partidos Políticos or “Political Parties Act”) which were implemented to avoid political fragmentation and/or the successful foray into the political arena of these new politicians. Thus, a “coexistence regime” has been established after an unfinished transitional period during which, very timidly, institutional reforms were implemented though they never really strengthened the system, and a regime which was marked by constant political instability and social upheaval.

Congress composition and electoral advantage

In 2003, an electoral reform changed the mechanism to assign seats in the Colombian Congress. I simulate the 2006 Senate elections using the previous assignment mechanism to determine which senators benefited from the reform, i.e. would have not been elected had the reform not been made. With the results of the simulation, I use a regression discontinuity design to compare the senators that would have been barely elected anyways with those who would have lost, but were near to be elected. I check the differences in the amount of law drafts presented, the attendance to voting sessions, and a discipline index for each senator as proxy of their legislative behavior. I find that the senators benefiting from the reform present a different legislative behavior during the 4-year term with respect to the senators that would have been elected anyways. Since the differential legislative behavior cannot be interpreted as being better (worse) politician, I examine if the behavioral difference gives them an electoral advantage. I find no difference in the electoral result of 2010 Senate election in terms of the probability of being (re)elected in 2010, the share of votes, the share of votes within their party list, and the concentration of their votes. Additionally, I check the probability of being investigated for links with paramilitary groups and I find no differences. The results suggest that political reforms can change the composition of governing or legislative bodies in terms of performance, but it does not necessarily translate into an electoral advantage.

Buenas intenciones y efectos perversos. Los límites del reformismo institucional en Colombia y Venezuela (Otros Temas)

Este artículo analiza las reformas institucionales emprendidas por Colombia y Venezuela para enfrentar las crisis de la democracia durante los noventa. Si bien los intentos de reforma han comprendido desde la descentralización y la transformación de los sistemas electorales hasta las reformas constitucionales, las reformas parecerían no haber generado los resultados adecuados dado que, en algunos casos, parecen haber profundizado las crisis. Al respecto se argumenta que toda reforma puede producir efectos imprevistos, no siempre benéficos. Dado que toda reforma implica costos, se torna necesario desprenderse de aquellos diagnósticos que perciben la realidad como verdad incuestionable.

Ecuador

Ecuador’s total population numbers some 15,682,792 inhabitants, and includes 14 nationalities accounting for around 1,100,000 people, all joined together in a series of local, regional and national organisations. 60.3% of the Andean Kichwa live in six provinces in the Central-North Mountains; 24.1% live in the Amazon region and belong to ten nationalities; 7.3% live in the Southern Mountains; and the remaining 8.3% live in the Coastal region and the Galapagos Islands. 78.5% still live in rural areas and 21.5% in urban areas. The current Constitution of the Republic recognises the country as a “…constitutional state of law and social justice, democratic, sovereign, independent, unitary, intercultural, multinational and secular”. Over the last five years, the country has undergone a series of political and institutional reforms. At the same time, however, enforcing and guaranteeing the collective rights recognised in the Constitution has become a challenge to the process, and a permanent point of disagreement between the government, headed by the economist Rafael Correa, and the indigenous social organisations. The government’s economic action has been largely marked by an opening up of the extractive industries - oil, copper and gold - to foreign investment, either of Chinese or Belarussian origin, or from other Latin American countries such as Brazil, Chile or Argentina. This has resulted in risk to and impacts on the territorial and cultural integrity of various indigenous peoples, and an uncertainty created around the true validity of the broad collective rights enshrined in the Constitution.

Legitimacy

This chapter examines the importance of legitimacy for international organizations, and their efforts to legitimate themselves vis-à-vis different audiences. Legitimacy, which for decades barely featured in the scholarly analysis of international organizations, has since the late 1990s been an increasingly important lens through which the processes, practices, and structures of international organizations have been examined. The chapter makes three main arguments. First, it argues that in most international organizations the most important actors engaging in legitimation efforts are not the supranational bureaucracies, but member states. This has important implications for our understanding of the purposes of seeking legitimacy, and for the possible practices. Second, legitimacy and legitimation serve a range of purposes for these states, beyond achieving greater compliance with their decisions, which has been one of the key functional logics highlighted for legitimacy in the literature. Instead, legitimacy is frequently sought to exclude outsiders from the functional or territorial domains affected by an international organization’s authority, or to maintain external material and political support for existing arrangements. Third, one of the most prominent legitimation efforts, institutional reforms, often prioritizes form over function, signalling to important and powerful audiences to encourage their continued material and political support. To advance these arguments, the chapter is divided into four sections. The first develops the concept of legitimacy and its application to international organizations, and then asks why their legitimacy has become such an important intellectual and political concern in recent years. The second part will look in more detail at the legitimation practices of international organizations, focusing on who engages in these practices, who the key audiences are, and how legitimation claims are advanced. The third section will look in more detail at one of the most common forms of legitimation – institutional reform – through the lens of two such reforms in international organizations: efforts towards greater interoperability in NATO, and the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture in the African Union (AU). The chapter will conclude with some reflections of the contribution that a legitimacy perspective has made to our understanding of the practices of international organizations.

Evolução setorial e trajetórias tecnológicas em nível de empresas na indústria de celulose e papel no Brasil (1970 - 2004): contexto da política de substituição de importações à competição globalizada

Accordingly, a variety of firms's technological capabilities studies, the literature recently is still lacking about the dynamic of sector evolution and technological development in inter-firm and their implication for technical and economical financial performance. More lacking is the research catching up the evolution of industrial sectors after the institutional reforms in the 90. For that, the focus of the dissertation is to analyze the main of the evolution of the pulp and paper industry from 1970 to 2004, using as reference points the import-substitution policy and the economic deregulation of the 1990s. Futhermore, the work tries to evaluate how such changes at industry level have been perceived from a firm point of view in terms of accumulation of technological capabilities and improvement of economic financial performance. This linkage is tested and examined in the following firms: Aracruz (Barra do Riacho establishment ), Klabin (Monte Alegre establishment) e Votorantim Celulose e Papel ¿ VCP (Jacareí establishment), defining the same time period of sectoral level. As far as the industry level study is concerned, it is based on the average rate of annual growth of some selected variables, given that the technological capabilities test is performed according to the methodology already existing in the literature, but properly adapted to the pulp and paper case. Similarly, the analysis regarding the improvement of the economic financial performance is based on a set of industry specific indicators. Hence, the work is built upon multiple case studies, taking into account both the qualitative and quantitative evidence, i.e. interviews, direct observations, as well as firm reports. Finally, it is worth emphasizing as the analysis of the changes in the sector, in conjunction with the above mentioned methodology used to measure the technological capabilities in the context of an evolving industrial regime, is still lacking in emerging economies as well as in Brazil. According to the empirical evidence, the reforms of the 1990s had a positive impact on the industrial development, from both the national and international viewpoint. Such a transformation was evident at firm level in terms of accumulation of technological capabilities and improvement of economic financial indicators. Indeed, the results show that the speed of accumulation of technological capabilities within the firms influences positively the performance indicators. On the other hand, these are also related to external factors, such as the macroeconomic conditions, which as such have not been considered in details.

As duas faces da Petrobrás: a persistente dinâmica da empresa estatal no arranjo institucional brasileiro

A presente dissertação analisará a persistente dinâmica da Petróleo Brasileiro S.A. – Petrobras – no arranjo institucional brasileiro. O objetivo é identificar se essa permanência foi acompanhada de mudanças na estrutura macro e microjurídica da empresa estatal que promoveram a sua adaptação às alterações da relação Estado e mercado promovidas por reformas institucionais. O trabalho parte do pressuposto de que, na recente evolução histórica brasileira, quatro correlações de forças promoveram reformas jurídicas que alteraram a relação Estado e mercado em quatro diferentes períodos: (i) da Era Vargas ao governo Juscelino Kubitschek; (ii) do golpe militar ao processo de redemocratização; (iii) do governo Fernando Collor ao término do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso; e (iv) do início do governo Lula até o momento da elaboração deste trabalho. Para desenvolver esse precedente, o primeiro capítulo analisará o modo e a intensidade da intervenção direta do Estado no setor produtivo para identificar as características da relação Estado e mercado nos períodos. Os capítulos subsequentes se deterão à análise da estrutura da Petrobras na esfera microjurídica – organização societária – e macrojurídica – articulação da empresa estatal com outros agentes públicos e privados – em cada um dos quatro períodos delimitados no capítulo anterior. O segundo capítulo descreverá institucionalmente a Petrobras durante seus primeiros dez anos. O terceiro capítulo identificará as mudanças institucionais promovidas na empresa estatal durante o regime militar. O quarto capítulo disporá sobre as alterações jurídicas na Petrobras promovidas pela Reforma do Estado. Por fim, o quinto capítulo tratará das mais recentes mudanças institucionais da empresa estatal decorrente da descoberta da vasta reserva de petróleo denominada pré-sal.

A criminologia no Brasil ou como tratar desigualmente os desiguais

In this article we discuss how the ideas of Cesare Lombroso (1835-1909) and his followers were incorporated into the intellectual debate in Brazil in the late 19(th) and early 20(th) centuries. By specifically analyzing the intellectual production of Brazilian legal scholars and jurists of the time - who drew on ideas from criminology to conceive Brazilian society and to propose legal and institutional reforms - we attempt to demonstrate how these ideas contributed to the elaboration of differentiated forms of legal and penal treatment for certain segments of the population.

No more!: the right of women to live a life free of violence in Latin America and the Caribbean

Includes bibliography