904 resultados para global order


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We consider here how cultural and socioeconomic dimensions of justice beyond the state are related. First we examine cosmopolitan theories that have drawn on John Rawls's egalitarian liberal framework to argue that a just global order requires substantive, transnational redistribution of material resources. We then assess the view, ironically put forward by Rawls himself, that this perspective is ethnocentric and insufficiently tolerant of non-liberal cultures. We argue that Rawls is right to be concerned about the danger of ethnocentrism, but wrong to assume that this requires us to reject the case for substantive redistribution across state boundaries. A more compelling account of justice beyond the state will integrate effectively socioeconomic and cultural aspects of justice. We suggest that this approach is best grounded in a critical theory of recognition that responds to the damage caused to human relations by legacies of historical injustice.

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This article examines Africa's role in an evolving international system where powerful emerging markets, such as bric, together with established powers are shaping economic trajectories. The specific focus is on South Africa as an aspiring leader on the African continent, and on its potential for becoming an emerging market shaping the global order together with bric and the West. It is unclear whether a changing global economy in which the postcolonial world plays a greater role will result in improved developmental prospects for Africans as African countries gradually reorient themselves from the West to the South, or whether relations with emerging markets will resemble neo-colonial ties with the West. South Africa's structural weakness, stemming from serious domestic problems of a social, political and economic nature, threatens to undermine its standing in Africa and its emerging market status.

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In this paper I engage with science and technology studies work on pharmaceuticalisation to explore how European Union (EU) law helps to produce and support the preference for pharmaceutical responses in public health governance, while authorising the production of vulnerable subjects through the growing off-shoring of clinical trials. Drawing on the analysis of legal and policy documents, I demonstrate how EU law allows and legitimates the use of data procured from vulnerable subjects abroad for market authorisation and corporate profitability at home. This is possible because the EU has (de)selected international ethical frameworks in order to support the continued and growing use of clinical trials data from abroad. This has helped to stimulate the revision of international ethical frameworks in light of market needs, inscribing EU public health law within specific politics (that often remained obscured by the joint workings of legal and technological discourses). I suggest that law operates as part of a broader ‘technology’ – encompassing ethics and human rights discourses – that functions to optimise life through resort to market reasoning. Law is thereby reoriented, instrumentalised and deployed as part of a broader project aimed at (re)defining and limiting the boundaries of the EU's responsibility for public health, including the broader social production of public health problems and the unequal global order that the EU represents and helps to depoliticise and perpetuate. Overall, this limits the EU's responsibility and accountability for these failures, as well as another: the weak and mutable protections and insecure legacies for vulnerable trial subjects abroad.

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The chapters in this book were originally published in the The International Spectator, volume 47, issue 1 (February 2012).

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La existencia de una red de diferentes niveles de gobernanza europea, que integre a los gobiernos locales, regionales y nacionales en el espectro supranacional, sumada al actual orden internacional globalizado, hace que algunas decisiones tomadas a nivel comunitario afecten directamente a los gobiernos que se encuentran por debajo del Estado Central. Como resultado, estos actores subnacionales han buscado la apertura de espacios para su participación en la construcción de la Unión Europea y en los procesos de toma de decisiones a escala supranacional, ya sea a través de sus gobiernos nacionales o realizando actividades internacionales no centrales. Éste es el caso de los gobiernos de Mecklemburgo-Pomerania Occidental (Mecklenburg Vorpommern), Land de la República Federal de Alemania, e Isla de Francia (Île-de-France), región de la República de Francia.

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El propósito de esta disertación es rescatar las interpretaciones de Tierra y Mar en lo que se refiere al surgimiento del Orden Internacional Moderno, con el objetivo de explicar la percepción de los acontecimientos por parte de Carl Schmitt y su aporte filosófico-jurídico a la comprensión de la historia y teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales. La particularidad de esta obra de Schmitt es su estilo profundo: la variedad y amplitud de temas que abarca, que contrasta con la brevedad del texto. El presente trabajo ha encontrado vacíos en el estudio de Tierra y Mar, así como interpretaciones distintas a las propuestas por el autor, en lo concerniente al surgimiento del Orden Internacional Moderno. La originalidad de la obra de Schmitt consiste en proponer, en realidad, dos órdenes internacionales distintos que surgen en el mundo moderno.

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La presente monografía pretende explorar la cooperación Sur-Sur en el marco de los BRICS como una estrategia de soft power de estos Estados para aumentar su liderazgo global. Lo anterior se constituye como un elemento fundamental en la consolidación de los BRICS como un foro político y ha permitido el inicio de un proceso de cohesión identitaria dentro del grupo, lo que a su vez ha generado que actúen conjuntamente en diferentes espacios. El análisis se hace a través de la aproximación teórica de la hegemonía cooperativa de Thomas Pedersen y el concepto de soft power desarrollado por Joseph Nye, lo que permite no solo caracterizar a los miembros del grupo BRICS sino que también da lugar a identificar sus aspiraciones en el foro y en torno a qué temas u objetivos se unen.

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Esta investigación se centra en la Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) como organización política. Intenta responder dos interrogantes primordiales: 1) ¿cómo la FIFA ha constituido el poder que tiene actualmente y, así, hacerse del monopolio indiscutido del fútbol? Y 2) ¿cómo ha cambiado en el tiempo la política interna de FIFA y su vínculo con la política internacional? Para lograr esto, se realiza un estudio histórico, basado principalmente en documentos, que intenta caracterizar y analizar los cambios de la organización en el tiempo. Se enfatizan las últimas dos presidencias de FIFA, de João Havelange y Joseph Blatter, como casos de estudio.

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Este artículo hace un análisis sobre los problemas y desafíos que la firma de tratados de libre comercio plantea a los pueblos indígenas, específicamente a los pueblos amazónicos. Tres ámbitos de análisis son utilizados por el autor para presentar la temática: la disputa por el control de la biodiversidad, los derechos de los pueblos indígenas y la construcción de una agenda de debate frente a la actual coyuntura. Ortiz plantea que si los tratados de libre comercio son parte de la política hegemónica de Estados Unidos, basada en el establecimiento de un orden global y en el control de las fuentes de energía del planeta, la cuenca amazónica se ubica como unas de las áreas de interés para los capitales multinacionales.

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Durante o governo FHC buscou-se substituir a agenda reativa da política externa brasileira, dominada pela lógica da autonomia pela distância, por uma nova agenda internacional proativa, determinada pela lógica da autonomia pela integração. Segundo essa agenda, o país deveria ampliar o poder de controle sobre o seu destino e resolver seus problemas com uma adesão ativa à elaboração das normas e das pautas de conduta da gestão da ordem mundial. No entanto, essa política de integração, adesão e participação não foi plenamente acompanhada de tomadas de posições que implicassem responsabilidades práticas, em virtude de debilidades estruturais. As responsabilidades teriam como função preparar tanto o governo como a sociedade civil para uma inserção internacional de perfil mais elevado no pós-Guerra Fria. Os ganhos ocorridos nos governos FHC não foram suficientes para alterar significativamente o peso brasileiro no contexto mundial.

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The Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration attempted to replace a reactive foreign policy agenda dominated by a logic of autonomy through distance with a proactive international agenda guided by a logic of autonomy through integration. In adopting this agenda, the administration maintained that Brazil would be able to confront its problems and secure more control over its future if it actively contributed to elaborating the norms and guidelines of the administration of the global order. Because of structural weaknesses, however, this policy of integration, adherence, and participation was not adequately accompanied by positions entailing practical responsibilities - responsibilities that would have prepared both government and civil society for a higher profile in the post - cold-war era. In the end, the gains achieved during Cardoso's tenure failed to alter Brazil's international standing in any significant way. © 2007 Latin American Perspectives.

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography