Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 641 - "The Lessons of Fascism" (p. IX 20.1-10)

"The Lesson of Facism" (GS 8, S. 9-37); 1. Beitrag zum UNESCO- Projekt "Tensions Affecting International Understanding", Paris, 1948; veröffentlicht in: Hadley Cantril (editor), "Tensions That Cause Wars", Urbana, I 11., 1950, Seite 209-242. a)-d) Typoskripte mit eigenständigen und ,oder handschriftlichen Korrekturen e) deutscher Entwurf, Typsokript ,15 Blatt f) dass., Teilstück, Typoskript, 5 Blatt g) dassselbe, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 12 Blatt h)-k) deutsche Fassung, übersetzt vom Institut für Sozialforschung, 1961 h) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, mit dem Titel "Die Lehren aus dem Faschismus", 30 Blatt i) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, mit dem Titel "Lehren des Nationalsozialismus", 30 Blatt; mit 1 eigenhändigen Memorandum von Friedrich Pollock, 1 Blatt k)Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen von Friedrich Pollock, 19 Blatt; 2. Eigenhändige Notizen und Entwürfe, 21 Blatt; 3. Max Horkheimer, Gordon W. Allport, Gilbert Freyre, Georges Gurvitch, Arne Naess, John Rickman, Harry S. Sullivan, Alexandre Szalai: "Statment on Tensions Affecting International Understanding"; Typsokript mit eigenhändigen Unterschriften, 5 Blatt; 4. Biographische und bibliographische Angaben zu den Verfassern von 3. a) 4 Blatt, mit eigenhändigen Notizen von Max Horkheimer b) 9 Blatt; 5. 2 Photos; 6. Max Horkheimer [?]: "An International Social Science Institut"; Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 2 Blatt; 7. Cantril, Hadley: "The Human Sciences and World Peace. The Unesco Projekt 'Tensions Affecting International Understanding'" a) Drucksache, 4 Blatt, mit eigenhändigen Notizen von Max Horkheimer b) als Typoskript vervielfältigt 4 Blatt; 8. Einladungen, 4 Blatt; 9. Kehoe, Kathleen, UNESCO: 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, Paris, 18.06.1948, 1 Blatt; 10. Janowitz, Morris: 1 Brief- Kopie an Max Horkheimer, New York, 17.06.1948, 1 Blatt;

Is the cinematic newsreel the strongest weapon? The "Luce" newsreel reception during fascism

The Luce newsreel was a fascist-pivotal propaganda instrument. Mussolini thought movies were the strongestweapon; however, the efficiency of cinematographic propaganda on people did not work as well as expected,especially nonfiction. This article intends to value, through oral testimonies, the influence of Lucenewsreel on the Italian population during fascism, the degree of truth of film news, and which of those piecesof news were more repeated, as well as the influence of the Italian and its leader image on the collective mind.

Architecture et révolution : Le Corbusier and the fascist revolution

In a letter to a close friend dated April 1922 Le Corbusier announced that he was to publish his first major book, Architecture et révolution, which would collect “a set ofarticles from L’EN.”1—L’Esprit nouveau, the revue jointly edited by him and painter Amédée Ozenfant, which ran from 1920 to 1925.2 A year later, Le Corbusier sketched a book cover design featuring “LE CORBUSIER - SAUGNIER,” the pseudonymic compound of Pierre Jeanneret and Ozenfant, above a square-framed single-point perspective of a square tunnel vanishing toward the horizon. Occupying the lower half of the frame was the book’s provisional title in large handwritten capital letters, ARCHITECTURE OU RÉVOLUTION, each word on a separate line, the “ou” a laconic inflection of Paul Laffitte’s proposed title, effected by Le Corbusier.3 Laffitte was one of two publishers Le Corbusier was courting between 1921 and 1922.4 An advertisement for the book, with the title finally settled upon, Vers une architecture, 5 was solicited for L’Esprit nouveau number 18. This was the original title conceived with Ozenfant, and had in fact already appeared in two earlier announcements.6 “Architecture ou révolution” was retained as the name of the book’s crucial and final chapter—the culmination of six chapters extracted from essays in L’Esprit nouveau. This chapter contained the most quoted passage in Vers une architecture, used by numerous scholars to adduce Le Corbusier’s political sentiment in 1923 to the extent of becoming axiomatic of his early political thought.7 Interestingly, it is the only chapter that was not published in L’Esprit nouveau, owing to a hiatus in the journal’s production from June 1922 to November 1923.8 An agitprop pamphlet was produced in 1922, after L’Esprit nouveau 11-12, advertising an imminent issue “Architecture ou révolution” with the famous warning: “the housing crisis will lead to the revolution. Worry about housing.”9

In the shadow of the enlightenment : Le Corbusier, Le Faisceau and Georges Valois

On 9 January 1927 Le Corbusier materialised on the front cover of the Faisceau journal edited by Georges Valois Le Nouveau Siècle which printed the single-point perspective of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin and an extract from the architect’s discourse in Urbanisme. In May Le Corbusier presented slides of his urban designs at a fascist rally. These facts have been known ever since the late 1980s when studies emerged in art history that situated Le Corbusier’s philosophy in relation to the birth of twentieth-century fascism in France—an elision in the dominant reading of Le Corbusier’s philosophy, as a project of social utopianism, whose received genealogy is Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier. Le Corbusier participated with the first group in France to call itself fascist, Valois’s militant Faisceau des Combattants et Producteurs, the “Blue Shirts,” inspired by the Italian “Fasci” of Mussolini. Thanks to Mark Antliff, we know the Faisceau did not misappropriate Le Corbusier’s plans, in some remote quasi-symbolic sense, rather Valois’s organisation was premised on the redesign of Paris based on Le Corbusier’s schematic designs. Le Corbusier’s Urbanisme was considered the “prodigious” model for the fascist state Valois called La Cité Française – after his mentor the anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel. Valois stated that Le Corbusier’s architectural concepts were “an expression of our profoundest thoughts,” the Faisceau, who “saw their own thought materialized” on the pages of Le Corbusier’s plans. The question I pose is, In what sense is Le Corbusier’s plan a complete representation of La Cité? For Valois, the fascist city “represents the collective will of La Cité” invoking Enlightenment philosophy, operative in Sorel, namely Rousseau, for whom the notion of “collective will” is linked to the idea of political representation: to ‘stand in’ for someone or a group of subjects i.e. the majority vote. The figures in Voisin are not empty abstractions but the result of “the will” of the “combatant-producers” who build the town. Yet, the paradox in anarcho-syndicalist anti-enlightenment thought – and one that became a problem for Le Corbusier – is precisely that of authority and representation. In Le Corbusier’s plan, the “morality of the producers” and “the master” (the transcendent authority that hovers above La Cité) is lattened into a single picture plane, thereby abolishing representation. I argue that La Cité pushed to the limits of formal abstraction by Le Corbusier thereby reverts to the Enlightenment myth it first opposed, what Theodor Adorno would call the dialectic of enlightenment.

The great errand 1939-1955

The novel was written in 2001. Description of post-war Germany from the viewpoint of a German, Fritz Meyer, who was a member of a local Nazi Youth organization in Sonneborn. He fought as a soldier and fell into the hands of the English in Northern France. He was taken to Canada as a prisoner of war. He escaped the camp and found refuge at a German family. Description of erotic encounters. Reflection on Nazi ideology. At the request of the family he returns to Germany for something subscribed as "the great errand", taking up the identity of a former American G.I. Desolation of post-war Germany. Confrontation with British emigre soldiers. Identifying with the anger of his German countrymen. Reflection on the Bible and the denial of the Jewish roots of Christianity. Creating an underground network of conspiracy with former Nazi leaders and high members of the Catholic church in order to continue the ideals of National Socialism. Donations from secret supporters abroad. Connections with the political leaders in the newly established German Republic. Revisionist history.

How do you like America? 1800-1940

The memoirs were written in 2000 in California and contains some of the author's diary entries during the years of the family's emigration and reminiscences of the author's father. Detailed description of family history going back to the early 19th century. The author's grandfather Moses Stern had a rawproduct business in Gelsenkirchen, Westphalia. His father Max Stern took his graduate exam (Abitur) at the Jacobsohn boarding school in 1904 and was sent to a business school in Brussles, Belgium. Work in the family business M. Stern AG. World War One and rise of the family business with branches throughout Germany and offices in New York, London, Milan and Stockholm. Due to political unrest at the end of the war the business administration moved to Essen. Description of the family background of Beate Herzberg, the author's mother. Courtship of his parents and marriage in 1922. Birth of his sister Annelore in 1923. Martin Stern was born in 1924. Description of the family household and domestic life in a well-to-do family the 1920s. Friday visits to the synagogue and celebration of Jewish holidays. Vacations at the North sea and skiinig in the Alps. Martin attended a Jewish elementary school. Rising National Socialism. After Hitler came to power in 1933 the author's father immediately started preparations for the family's emigration, but was persuaded to stay by his family. Life under National Socialism. Martin attended Gymnasium and was one of only two Jewish students in his class. Antisemitic incidents. Private lessons in piano and Hebrew. Bar Mitzvah in 1937. Recollections of performances of the Kulturbund.

The ghost in the city industrial complex: Le Corbusier and the fascist theory of Urbanisme

Le Corbusier participated in an urban dialogue with the first group in France to call itself fascist: the journalist Georges Valois’s militant Faisceau des Combattants et Producteurs (1925-1927), the “Blue Shirts,” inspired by the Italian “Fasci” of Mussolini. Le Corbusier’s portrait photograph materialised on the front cover of the January 1927 issue of the Faisceau League’s newspaper Le Nouveau Siècle edited by the former anarcho-syndicalist journalist Georges Valois, its leader, who fashioned himself as the French Mussolini. Le Corbusier was described in the Revue as one of les animateurs (the “organisers”) of the Party1 – meaning a member of the technical elite who would drive the Faisceau’s plans. On 1 May 1927, the Nouveau Siècle printed a full-page feature “Le Plan Voisin” on Le Corbusier’s 1922 redesign of Paris : the architect’s single-point perspective sketch appeared below an extract lifted from the architect’s original polemic Le Centre de Paris on the pages of Le Corbusier’s second book Urbanisme published two years earlier, a treatise on urbanism.2 Three weeks later, Le Corbusier presented a slide show of his urban plans at a fascist rally for the inauguration of the Faisceau’s new headquarters on the rue du faubourg Poissonniere, thereby crystalising the architect’s hallowed status in the league...

El clasicismo en el País Vasco: Ramón de Basterra

[ES] Este trabajo analiza la obra del poeta y ensayista Ramón de Basterra (1888-1928), tratando de establecer las peculiaridades de su dimensión clasicista, en comparación con las líneas generales del clasicismo de la época. El clasicismo es visto como un componente fundamental de las ideologías conservadoras y del fascismo en el siglo XX. Se destacan las relaciones del autor con la intelectualidad vasca, especialmente bilbaína , y española. El conjunto de su obra, en particular La obra de Trajano (1921) y Las ubres luminosas (1923), representan una singular aportación a la historia del clasicismo, poco estudiado todavía en nuestro país. Para Basterra. La romanidad, la latinidad y la cristiandad como ejes de la misión civilizatoria de Occidente y su concepción esencialista y ahistórica de la raza y la nacionalidad españolas son elementos centrales de la obra basterriana. En la perspectiva de un análisis del fascismo que destaca el papel nuclear del culto a la romanidad, este autor podría ser definido como "protofascista".