962 resultados para digital space


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Avatars perform a complex range of inter-related functions. They not only allow us to express a digital identity, they facilitate the expression of physical motility and, through non-verbal expression, help to mediate social interaction in networked environments. When well designed, they can contribute to a sense of “presence” (a sense of being there) and a sense of “co-presence” (a sense of being there with others) in digital space. Because of this complexity, the study of avatars can be enriched by theoretical insights from a range of disciplines. This paper considers avatars from the perspectives of critical theory, visual communication, and art theory (on portraiture) to help elucidate the role of avatars as an expression of identity. It goes on to argue that identification with an avatar is also produced through their expression of motility and discusses the benefits of film theory for explaining this process. Conceding the limits of this approach, the paper draws on philosophies of body image, Human Computer Interaction (HCI) theory on embodied interaction, and fields as diverse as dance to explain the sense of identification, immersion, presence and co-presence that avatars can produce.

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Many commentators have treated the internet as a site of democratic freedom and as a new kind of public sphere. While there are good reasons for optimism, like any social space digital space also has its dark side. Citizens and governments alike have expressed anxiety about cybercrime and cyber-security. In August 2011, the Australian government introduced legislation to give effect to Australia becoming a signatory to the European Convention on Cybercrime (2001). At the time of writing, that legislation is still before the Parliament. In this article, attention is given to how the legal and policy-making process enabling Australia to be compliant with the European Convention on Cybercrime came about. Among the motivations that informed both the development of the Convention in Europe and then the Australian exercise of legislating for compliance with it was a range of legitimate concerns about the impact that cybercrime can have on individuals and communities. This article makes the case that equal attention also needs to be given to ensuring that legislators and policy makers differentiate between legitimate security imperatives and any over-reach evident in the implementation of this legislation that affects rule of law principles, our capacity to engage in democratic practices, and our civic and human rights.

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Spokes-characters are ‘...animated beings or objects, created to promote a product, service or idea’ (Phillips 1996, p.155). They were first used in the late 1800s when they emerged as registered trademarks, but the use of spokes-characters for marketing communications has since grown, owing to their ability to remind consumers about a product, transfer positive associations to a brand, and give a corporate company a more ‘personal’ face (Callcott and Lee 1995). One example is the Michelin Man, who has served as spokes-character for Michelin tyres since 1898, after starting out in print advertising. Spokes-characters have become important brand representatives, no longer seen as simply entertaining cartoons featured in television and magazine advertisements. Corporations have now extended their use to interactive, social media platforms, where a consumer can be ‘friends’ with a spokes-character via Facebook, read their comments on the latest iPhone release through Twitter, and watch their family histories being documented on YouTube (see Figure 1). The interactions that consumers once had with two-dimensional spokes-characters have undergone significant transformation in the digital space. With spokes-character Facebook pages achieving significant numbers of ‘likes’ and interactions with consumers, one question concerns whether this strategy is creating characters that are more engaging than the brands they represent, and what impact this has on brand outcomes.

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Cet article présente les résultats de huit ans de travail sur le concept d’éditorialisation, réalisés dans le cadre du séminaire international « Écritures numériques et éditorialisation » que j’ai coorganisé avec Nicolas Sauret depuis 2008. Je propose de définir l’éditorialisation comme l’ensemble des dynamiques qui produisent l’espace numérique. Ces dynamiques peuvent être comprises comme les interactions d’actions individuelles et collectives avec un environnement numérique. À partir de cette définition je propose de décrire le fonctionnement des instances d’autorité dans l’espace numérique.

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This paper considers issues related to the reporting of non-convictions for minor criminal offences. The entry point for the discussion is a content analysis of press court reporting across the Australian state of Victoria that shows that many newspapers report non-convictions. The paper observes that as the practice of reporting non-convictions has extended into digital space, a person the local court decides should not have a black mark recorded against their name can now be named and shamed before a global audience for an indefinite period. 


This paper has two aims: to document the Victorian news media’s practice of reporting non-convictions for minor offences, and to argue that its authority to name and shame those who receive non-convictions should be considered through the lens of media power. It is the second stage in a research project on “naming and shaming” of people who come to the attention of journalists as potential news stories when they appear before the courts.

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The theory of “symbolic annihilation” or “symbolic violence” has been used in academic literature to describe the way in which sexual minorities have been ignored, trivialized, or condemned by the media. This article aims to de-center research from issues of media representation to consider the capacity for minority groups to proactively use new media and its various avenues for interactivity, social networking, and feedback to fight social exclusion. This work suggests that new media has become a space in which the nominally marginal in society may acquire “social artillery”—a term used to describe how sexual minorities utilize their expanding and more readily accessible social connections in digital space to combat instances of homophobia. The research draws on the results of an inquiry into the relation between media and a regional youth social justice group in Australia tackling homophobia. The research demonstrates that the group is becoming increasingly adept and comfortable with using a cross-section of media platforms to fulfill their own objectives, rather than seeing themselves as passive subjects of media representation. This article argues that this sets an example for other socially excluded groups looking to renegotiate their relation with the media in regional areas.

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This exploratory study examines the power of the news media to publicly name ordinary people who receive non-convictions for committing minor crimes. If a magistrate imposes a non-conviction, it means the offender is guilty, but gets a chance to reform away from the public gaze. They are not required to reveal the crime in any job application, and it does not restrict them from overseas travel. This report argues that the power of media to report non-convictions is an issue of national importance in this changing digital landscape because the news media can impose relatively permanent public records, especially in digital space, that detail's one's minor misdemeanour.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Cultural protectionism has been an element of national and foreign policies, as an extension of state sovereignty expressed both in a defensive and offensive manner. While the generic protectionist formula in the sense of restraining trade between states through measures such as import tariffs or quotas and through privileging domestic production has somewhat disintegrated over time under the rationale for free trade and the strong practical evidence of its benefits, the particular case of cultural protectionism has persevered. As we reveal in this paper, however, it has been modified, or at least its rhetoric has changed. The enquiry into the notion of cultural protectionism or cultural diversity, as the current political jargon would have it, is but one of the paper’s objectives. Its second and certainly more ambitious goal is the search for the normative dimensions of cultural diversity policies in the global digital space, asking what adjustments are needed and how feasible the entire project of diversity regulation in this environment may be. Taking into account the specificities of cyberspace and in a forward-looking manner, we propose some adjustments to current media policy practices that could better serve the goal of a sustainably diverse cultural environment.

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La cybersécurité représente un enjeu important pour les services en charge de la sécurité canadienne à l’ère de l’expansion des Menaces Persistantes Avancées (MSP ou cybercrimes de type 1). Ces crimes se déroulent essentiellement dans le cyberespace, ce qui implique l’adoption de mesures spécifiques adéquates à l’environnement numérique, notamment à l’épreuve de son ubiquité. Le gouvernement canadien a pour sa part publié certaines mesures de défense passive et active dont la plus connue est la stratégie canadienne de cybersécurité. Puisque le cyberespace n’est pas limité territorialement, l’autorité canadienne a conclu plusieurs partenariats internationaux d’où ressortent des mesures bilatérales et multilatérales de protection et de renforcement de la cybersécurité. Toutefois, ces diverses mesures nationales et internationales ne tracent pas de cadre légal précisant la nature et le régime juridique des MSP; précisions sans lesquelles l’adoption de règles au plan national serait improductive. Considérant que l’espace numérique est international, il appelle la mise en place de mesures applicables à l’échelle universelle. Or, au plan international, il n’existe aucun texte à valeur légale spécifique à l’espèce. Ainsi, à la question de savoir, quels textes légaux pourraient s’appliquer, il s’est avéré que le jus ad bellum et la Convention européenne contre le cybercrime (Convention de Budapest) apportaient d’incontournables éléments de réponse. D’une part, le jus ad bellum permet de définir la catégorie d’acte dans laquelle peuvent être rangées les MSP, et d’autre part, la Convention de Budapest permet de définir les infractions informatiques commises par les différents acteurs en cause, les procédures d’investigation appropriées et les mécanismes utiles à la coopération internationale. Bien que les éléments ressortis de ces ententes internationales soient utiles à l’adoption d’un corps de règles internationales uniformes, les intérêts étatiques divergents constituent des obstacles de taille.

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La cybersécurité représente un enjeu important pour les services en charge de la sécurité canadienne à l’ère de l’expansion des Menaces Persistantes Avancées (MSP ou cybercrimes de type 1). Ces crimes se déroulent essentiellement dans le cyberespace, ce qui implique l’adoption de mesures spécifiques adéquates à l’environnement numérique, notamment à l’épreuve de son ubiquité. Le gouvernement canadien a pour sa part publié certaines mesures de défense passive et active dont la plus connue est la stratégie canadienne de cybersécurité. Puisque le cyberespace n’est pas limité territorialement, l’autorité canadienne a conclu plusieurs partenariats internationaux d’où ressortent des mesures bilatérales et multilatérales de protection et de renforcement de la cybersécurité. Toutefois, ces diverses mesures nationales et internationales ne tracent pas de cadre légal précisant la nature et le régime juridique des MSP; précisions sans lesquelles l’adoption de règles au plan national serait improductive. Considérant que l’espace numérique est international, il appelle la mise en place de mesures applicables à l’échelle universelle. Or, au plan international, il n’existe aucun texte à valeur légale spécifique à l’espèce. Ainsi, à la question de savoir, quels textes légaux pourraient s’appliquer, il s’est avéré que le jus ad bellum et la Convention européenne contre le cybercrime (Convention de Budapest) apportaient d’incontournables éléments de réponse. D’une part, le jus ad bellum permet de définir la catégorie d’acte dans laquelle peuvent être rangées les MSP, et d’autre part, la Convention de Budapest permet de définir les infractions informatiques commises par les différents acteurs en cause, les procédures d’investigation appropriées et les mécanismes utiles à la coopération internationale. Bien que les éléments ressortis de ces ententes internationales soient utiles à l’adoption d’un corps de règles internationales uniformes, les intérêts étatiques divergents constituent des obstacles de taille.

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In the spirit of the proposals of the Agenda 2020 about the structural role of cinema in the configuration of the European identities, this article highlights the significance of the national cinemas in non-hegemonic languages in the conformation of a diverse European culture. Following this perspective, we use Galician cinema as a case study in which we analyze the presence (or more precisely the absence) of the Galician language in the original version in the feature films released between 2008 and 2012.This proposal is hosted by the I+D+I project eDCINEMA: “Towards the European Digital Space. The role of small cinemas in original version” (Ref. CSO2012-35784) financed by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness of Spain.