Sex as a source of power? Backlash against self-sexualizing women

Although women are thought to possess sexual power, they risk social and economic penalties (i.e., backlash; Rudman, 1998) when they self-sexualize (i.e., assert their power; Cahoon & Edmonds, 1989; Glick, Larsen, Johnson, & Branstiter, 2005). Why? Drawing on the status incongruity hypothesis (SIH), which predicts backlash against powerful women because they challenge the gender hierarchy, we expected prejudice against self-sexualizing women to be explained by a dominance penalty rather than a communality deficit (Rudman, Moss-Racusin, Phelan, & Nauts, 2012). Two experiments supported this hypothesis, and Experiment 3 further showed that the dominance penalty was explained by ascribing power motives to self-sexualized women. These findings extend the SIH’s utility to the domain of self-sexualization and illuminate the scope of people’s discomfort with female power. Implications for the advancement of gender equality are discussed.

Confronting backlash states /

"March/April 1994"--Cover.

Shaping the boys' agenda: The backlash blockbusters

The boys’ debate internationally is being fuelled by a range of texts on boys and masculinity. Many of the most popular texts are situated firmly within a backlash politics. These politics suggest that boys are the new ‘victims’ of schooling and that the girls’ agenda in schooling is a completed one. This paper will challenge the arguments contained within a number of the most recent of these ‘backlash blockbusters’. The paper will argue that, rather than boys being placed on the educational agenda in the status of victims, the ways in which dominant forms of masculinities and the harms they cause many girls and some boys need to be addressed.

BACKLASH Y ABUSO SEXUAL INFANTIL: LA EMERGENCIA DE NUEVAS AMENAZAS A LA PROTECCIÓN DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS DE LAS PERSONAS MENORES DE EDAD

ResumenEl presente artículo se propone como una disertación en torno al fenómeno del abuso sexual infantily el Backlash, comprendiendo a este último como un contra-movimiento social que buscalegitimar diversas manifestaciones de violencia en contra de las mujeres y las personas menoresde edad. En aras de alcanzar dicho propósito, el artículo parte de la conceptualización del términoabuso sexual infantil, resaltando sus principales características y consecuencias, continúa con unadiscusión conceptual en torno al Backlash y sus principales derivaciones y concluye con una reflexiónrespecto a la relación entre este y el abuso sexual infantil. Producto del recorrido emprendido seafirma que, si bien el Backlash nace como una respuesta contraria y contestataria al éxito obtenidopor el movimiento de mujeres, ha evolucionado e incursionado en otras áreas temáticas, como lo esel abuso sexual infantil, cuya comprensión y atención se ha visto influenciada por teorías “pseudocientíficas” como el síndrome de alienación parental y el síndrome de falsas memorias, desde lascuales se desacredita la revelación de las víctimas. En tanto el uso de teorías compatibles con elBacklash en procesos de custodia y juicios por denuncias de abuso sexual se encuentra en aumentovertiginoso, se concluye que el movimiento de derechos humanos debe fortalecer una respuestaconjunta y sólida frente a esta reacción extrema.AbstractThe present article is a dissertation proposal regarding the child sexual abuse phenomenon and the Backlash, being the last a social countermovement which pretends to legitimize various manifestations of violence towards women and underage people. The article starts from the conceptualization of the term child sexual abuse, highlighting its key characteristics and consequences, moving on to a conceptual discussion concerning Backlash and its main derivations, and ending in a reflection about its relationship with child sexual abuse. From the research undertaken it is stated that, while Backlash started out as a counter response to the success achieved by the women movement, it has evolved and moved into other thematic areas, such as child sexual abuse, which understanding and focus have been influenced by pseudoscientific theories like the parental alienation syndrome and the false memory syndrome, from which the victims’ declarations are discredited. While the use of Backlash compatible theories in custody processes and sexual abuse accusation trials shows an accelerated increase, it is concluded that the human rights movement needs to build up a solid and joint answer against this extreme response.Keywords:Backlash, child sexual abuse, parental alienation syndrome, false memories syndrome.

Final report : a software diagnostic tool for evaluating distress mechanisms in bridges exposed to aggressive environments

Durability issues of reinforced concrete construction cost millions of dollars in repair or demolition. Identification of the causes of degradation and a prediction of service life based on experience, judgement and local knowledge has limitations in addressing all the associated issues. The objective of this CRC CI research project is to develop a tool that will assist in the interpretation of the symptoms of degradation of concrete structures, estimate residual capacity and recommend cost effective solutions. This report is a documentation of the research undertaken in connection with this project. The primary focus of this research is centred on the case studies provided by Queensland Department of Main Roads (QDMR) and Brisbane City Council (BCC). These organisations are endowed with the responsibility of managing a huge volume of bridge infrastructure in the state of Queensland, Australia. The main issue to be addressed in managing these structures is the deterioration of bridge stock leading to a reduction in service life. Other issues such as political backlash, public inconvenience, approach land acquisitions are crucial but are not within the scope of this project. It is to be noted that deterioration is accentuated by aggressive environments such as salt water, acidic or sodic soils. Carse, 2005, has noted that the road authorities need to invest their first dollars in understanding their local concretes and optimising the durability performance of structures and then look at potential remedial strategies.

A solution to fashion textile unsustainability

Today, polarisation of the fashion textile industry has already begun as smart, intelligent and conscientious fashion emerges as a backlash to the experience of choice fatigue, poor quality, dumb design and greenwash. But the process, development and manufacture of fashion textiles is complex. And the demand, both customer and industry driven, for new integrated product policies,2 designed to minimise environmental impacts by looking at all phases of a product's life cycle, is problematic due to complexity and a lack of networking tools. This article explores these issues through the construct of the department store of the future.

Gender equity policies in higher education in Japan

In a similar fashion to many western countries, the political context of Japan has been transformed since the 1975 UN World Conference on Women, which eventually led to the establishment of the Basic Law for a Gender-equal Society in Japan in 1999. The Basic Law sets out a series of general guidelines across every field of society, including education. This trajectory policy research study targets gender issues in Japanese higher education and follows the development of the Basic Law and, in particular, how it has been interpreted by bureaucrats and implemented within the field of higher education. This feminist policy research study examines Japanese power relationships within the field of gender and identifies gender discourses embedded within Japanese gender equity policy documents. The study documents the experiences of, and strategies used by, Japanese feminists in relation to gender equity policies in education. Drawing on critical feminist theory and feminist critical discourse theory, the study explores the relationship between gender discourses and social practices and analyses how unequal gender relations have been sustained through the implementation of Japanese gender equity policy. Feminist critical policy analysis and feminist critical discourse analysis have been used to examine data collected through interviews with key players, including policy makers and policy administrators from the national government and higher education institutions offering teacher education courses. The study also scrutinises the minutes of government meetings, and other relevant policy documents. The study highlights the struggles between policy makers in the government and bureaucracy, and feminist educators working for change. Following an anti-feminist backlash, feminist discourses in the original policy documents were weakened or marginalised in revisions, ultimately weakening the impact of the Basic Law in the higher education institutions. The following four key findings are presented within the research: 1) tracking of the original feminist teachers’ movement that existed just prior to the development of the Basic Law in 1999; 2) the formation of the Basic Law, and how the policy resulted in a weakening of the main tenets of women’s policy from a feminist perspective; 3) the problematic manner in which the Basic Law was interpreted at the bureaucratic level; and 4) the limited impact of the Basic Law on higher education and the strategies and struggles of feminist scholars in reaction to this law.

China and the "Responsibility to Protect" (R2P) : the implications of the Libyan intervention

The emerging principle of a “responsibility to protect” (R2P) presents a direct challenge to China's traditional emphasis on the twin principles of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other states and non-use of military force. This paper considers the evolution of China‟s relationship with R2P over the past ten years. In particular, it examines how China engaged with R2P during the recent Libyan crisis, and considers what impact this conflict may have first, on Chinese attitudes to R2P, and second, on the future development and implementation of the doctrine itself. This paper argues that China‟s decision to allow the passage of Security Council resolution 1973, authorising force in Libya, was shaped by an unusual set of pragmatic considerations, and should not be viewed as evidence of a dramatic shift in Chinese attitudes towards R2P. More broadly, controversy over the scope of NATO's military action in Libya has raised questions about R2P‟s legitimacy, which has contributed to a lack of timely international action in Syria and Yemen. In the short term at least, this post-Libya backlash against R2P is likely to constrain the Security Council‟s ability to respond decisively to other civilian protection situations.

China and the "Responsibility to Protect" : the implications of the Libyan intervention

The emerging principle of a “responsibility to protect” (R2P) presents a direct challenge to China’s traditional emphasis on the twin principles of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other states and non-use of military force. This paper considers the evolution of China’s relationship with R2P over the past ten years. In particular, it examines how China engaged with R2P during the recent Libyan crisis, and considers what impact this conflict may have first, on Chinese attitudes to R2P, and second, on the future development and implementation of the doctrine itself. This paper argues that China’s decision to allow the passage of Security Council resolution 1973, authorising force in Libya, was shaped by an unusual set of political and factual circumstances, and should not be viewed as evidence of a dramatic shift in Chinese attitudes towards R2P. More broadly, controversy over the scope of NATO’s military action in Libya has raised questions about R2P’s legitimacy, which have contributed to a lack of timely international action in Syria. In the short term at least, this post-Libya backlash against R2P is likely to constrain the Security Council’s ability to respond decisively to other civilian protection situations.

Patriarchy reasserted : fathers' rights and anti-VAWA activism

The backlash against gender-sensitive responses to women's victimization, offending, and imprisonment is inseparable from contemporary reaction against feminism and other progressive movements. The backlash against the American Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) provides a prime example of this resistance. Despite widespread support for VAWA and other policies designed to address violence against women, some constituencies object to their existence. The author investigates fathers' rights rhetoric on VAWA as an example of antifeminist backlash.

Family violence or woman abuse? Putting gender back into the Canadian research equation

Research on violence against women has been among the most scrutinized areas in social science. From the beginning, efforts to empirically document the prevalence, incidence, and characteristics of violence against women have been hotly debated (DeKeseredy, 2011; Dragiewicz & DeKeseredy, forthcoming; Minaker & Snider, 2006). Objections that violence against women was rare have given way to acknowledgement that it is more common than once thought. Research on the outcomes of woman abuse has documented the serious ramifications of this type of violence for individual victims and the broader community. However, violence against women was not simply “discovered” by scholars in the 1960s, leading to a progressive growth of the literature. Knowledge production around violence against women has been fiercely contested, and feminist insights in particular have always been met with backlash(Gotell, 2007; Minkaer & Snider, 2006; Randall, 1989; Sinclair, 2003)...

Feminist criminologies’ contribution to understandings of sex, gender, and crime

This chapter provides an overview of the contribution of feminist criminologies to understandings of the complex intersections between sex, gender and crime. Dozens of scholars and activists have participated in these debates over the past four decades. For our contribution to this handbook, we interviewed ten distinguished scholars whose contributions are recognized internationally. Through the commentary provided by these scholars, this chapter examines some of the distinctive contributions of feminism to our knowledge about sex, gender, and crime, as well as some of the challenges it continues to face in the field of criminology. We conclude that feminist work within criminology continues to face a number of lingering challenges, most notably in relation to the struggle to maintain relevance in a world where concerns about gender inequality are marginalized and considered as historical relics not contemporary issues; where there are on-going tensions around the best strategies for change, as well as difficulties in challenging distorted representations of female crime and violence; and where a backlash, anti-feminist politics seeks to discredit explanations that draw a link between sex, gender, and crime. This chapter critically reviews these lingering challenges—locating feminist approaches (of which there are many) at the centre and not the periphery of advancing knowledge about gender, sex, and crime.

The responsibility to protect and the Arab Spring : Libya as the exception, Syria as the norm?

On March 17 2011 the UN Security Council passed resolution 1973 authorising the use of force for civilian protection purposes in Libya.1 This resolution was hailed by many supporters of the responsibility to protect (R2P) as a crucial step towards the consolidation of the concept’s normative standing.2 Gareth Evans described the intervention as ‘a textbook case of the R2P norm working exactly as it was supposed to’.3 For Lloyd Axworthy the Libya episode signalled a move towards a ‘more humane world’.4 UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon declared that it ‘affirms, clearly and unequivocally, the international community’s determination to fulfil its responsibility to protect civilians from violence perpetrated by their own government.’5 At first glance, the Security Council’s rapid, decisive response to escalating violence in Libya might well have suggested a new willingness on the part of the international community to take collective action to avert intra-state humanitarian crises. However, a closer examination of the text of resolution 1973 and statements by Security Council member states reveals a less than complete endorsement of R2P. Disagreements between states over the scope of the mandate for the use of force in Libya quickly emerged. Long-standing fears among Russia, China and other non-Western states that R2P could be used as a pretext for regime change returned to the fore as the legality and legitimacy of NATO’s military action were called into question. This post-Libya backlash against R2P has been a central factor in the international community’s subsequent inability to agree on effective civilian protection measures in Syria. Much of the optimism that surrounded R2P in the immediate aftermath of resolution 1973 has given way to a sober realization that achieving international consensus on civilian protection measures will rarely be straightforward.

Feminism and Global Justice

This book attempts to persuade a new generation of scholars, criminologists, activists, and policy makers sympathetic to the quest for global justice to open the envelope, to step out of their comfort zones and typical frames of analysis to gaze at a world full of injustice against the female sex, much of it systemic, linked to culture, custom and religion. In some instances the sources of these injustices intersect with those that produce global inequality, imperialism and racism. This book also investigates circumstances where the globalising forces cultivate male on male violence in the anomic spaces of supercapitalism – the border zones of Mexico and the United States, and the frontier mining communities in the Australian desert. However systemic gendered injustices, such as forced marriage of child female brides, sati the cremation of widows, genital cutting, honour crimes, rape and domestic violence against women, are forms of violence only experienced by the female sex. The book does not shirk away from female violence either. Carrington argues that if feminism wants to have a voice in the public, cultural, political and criminological debates about heightened, albeit often exaggerated, social concerns about growing female violence and engagement in terrorism, then new directions in theorising female violence are required. Feminist silences about the violent crimes, atrocities and acts of terrorism committed by the female sex leave anti-feminist explanations uncontested. This allows a discursive space for feminist backlash ideologues to flourish. This book contests those ideologies to offer counter explanations for the rise in female violence and female terrorism, in a global context where systemic gendered violence against women is alarming and entrenched. The world needs feminism to take hold across the globe, now more than ever.