26 resultados para aboriginality


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The philosophical promise of community development to “resource and empower people so that they can collectively control their own destinies” (Kenny 1996:104) is no doubt alluring to Indigenous Australia. Given the historical and contemporary experiences of colonial control and surveillance of Aboriginal bodies, alongside the continuing experiences of socio-economic disadvantage, community development reaffirms the aspirational goal of Indigenous Australians for self-determination. Self-determination as a national policy agenda for Indigenous Australians emerged in the 1970s and saw the establishment of a wide range of Aboriginal community-controlled services (Tsey et al 2012). Sullivan (2010:4) argues that the Aboriginal community controlled service sector during this time has, and continues to be, instrumental to advancing the plight of Indigenous Australians both materially and politically. Yet community development and self-determination remain highly problematic and contested in how they manifest in Indigenous social policy agendas and in practice (Hollinsworth 1996; Martin 2003; McCausland 2005; Moreton-Robinson 2009). Moreton-Robinson (2009:68) argues that a central theme underpinning these tensions is a reading of Indigeneity in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, behaviours, cultures, and communities are pathologised as “dysfunctional” thus enabling assertions that Indigenous people are incapable of managing their own affairs. This discourse distracts us from the “strategies and tactics of patriarchal white sovereignty” that inhibit the “state’s earlier policy of self-determination” (Moreton-Robinson 2009:68). We acknowledge the irony of community development espoused by Ramirez above (1990), that the least resourced are expected to be most resourceful.; however, we wish to interrogate the processes that inhibit Indigenous participation and control of our own affairs rather than further interrogate Aboriginal minds as uneducated, incapable and/or impaired...

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Indigenous leader Pat Dodson – who revealed he has met Prime Minister Tony Abbott only once, and then in passing – said last week that removal of frontline services from Indigenous organisations working towards Closing the Gap in Indigenous health “would seem counter intuitive to any fair-minded Australian”. But that, he said in this Age OpEd, has been the result of the Federal Government’s much-awaited Indigenous Advancement Strategy...

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In australia, 'Aboriginality' is often defined by people in constrictive ways that are heavily influenced by the coloniser's epistemological frameworks. An essential component of this is a 'racial' categorisation of peoples that marks sameness and difference, thereby influencing insider and outsider status. In one sense, this categorisation of people acts to exclude non-aboriginal 'others' from participation in preinvasion indigenous ontologies, ways of living that may not have contained such restrictive identity categories and were thereby highly inclusive of outsiders. One of the effects of this is that aboriginal peoples' efforts for 'advancement' - either out of 'disadvantage' and/or towards political independence (ie, sovereignty) - become confined and restricted by what is deemed possible within the coloniser's epistemological frameworks. This is so much so that aboriginal people are at risk of only reinforcing and upholding the very systems that resulted in their original and continuing dispossession.

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The Clancestry Conversation series forms part of QPAC's Clancestry Festival which is an annual celebration of the arts and cultural practices of the world's First Nations Peoples with a particular focus on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

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ABORIGINAL people in urbanised Australia experience violence on a daily basis. This violence ranges from the psychological (the covert hostility of the corner shop, the denial of the Aboriginality of fair-skinned or urban Blacks) through to the physical brutality of the criminal justice system. For Aboriginal women and children this daily violence is not only public but also has a private, B1ack-on-B1ack dimension. The Aboriginal home may be some refuge from the slights of white Australia but this is cold comfort to women for whom being 'flogged up' by their partners is so ordinary an event as to be unremarkable.

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Cette recherche se penche sur l’impact des facteurs de contexte et des facteurs individuels sur les conditions socioéconomiques des résidants des collectivités des Premières Nations du Québec et des résidants des communautés situées à proximité. Des régressions logistiques sur les données censitaires de 2001 ont été réalisées afin de répondre aux questions d’étude. Quatre dimensions, inspirées de l’indice de bien-être (IBC), ont été étudiées : l’activité, le logement, le revenu et la scolarité. Les résultats de recherche montrent que les deux types de facteurs contribuent à l’explication des inégalités sociales. Plus spécifiquement, les inégalités scolaires apparaissent principalement déterminées par les facteurs de contexte bien que les facteurs individuels, tel que l’âge et le genre, soient aussi déterminants. Ces dernières surviennent en amont des inégalités d’emploi et de revenu et expliquent celles-ci. De plus, les inégalités relatives au logement sont expliquées par l’emplacement spatial et le type de communauté de résidence. Par ailleurs, l’ethnicité des répondants ne joue pas un rôle de premier plan dans l’explication des disparités observées, une fois les autres caractéristiques contrôlées, ce qui ne signifie pas qu’il n’existe pas d’inégalités entre Amérindien et non-Amérindien. En fait, des chances différenciées persistent lorsque les autres caractéristiques sont contrôlées. Ainsi, les résultats mettent en évidence l’utilité de déplacer le point focal de la recherche quantitative sur les conditions autochtones du principal fait d’être Amérindien ou non vers un éventail plus large de déterminants.

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Objective: To quantify the burden of disease and injury for the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations in the Northern Territory. Design and setting: Analysis of Northern Territory data for 1 January 1994 to 30 December 1998 from multiple sources. Main outcome measures: Disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs), by age, sex, cause and Aboriginality. Results: Cardiovascular disease was the leading contributor (14.9%) to the total burden of disease and injury in the NT, followed by mental disorders (14.5%) and malignant neoplasms (11.2%). There was also a substantial contribution from unintentional injury (10.4%) and intentional injury (4.9%). Overall, the NT Aboriginal population had a rate of burden of disease 2.5 times higher than the non-Aboriginal population; in the 35-54-year age group their DALY rate was 4.1 times higher. The leading causes of disease burden were cardiovascular disease for both Aboriginal men (19.1%) and women (15.7%) and mental disorders for both non-Aboriginal men (16.7%) and women (22.3%). Conclusions: A comprehensive assessment of fatal and non-fatal conditions is important in describing differentials in health status of the NT population. Our study provides comparative data to identify health priorities and facilitate a more equitable distribution of health funding.

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This review will critically evaluate two recent texts by white academics working across disciplines of cultural studies, history and anthropology and published by UNSW Press, which share a focus on the relationship between Aboriginality, Philosophy, Place and Time in Australia. I write from the position of a queer white academic committed to engaging politically and intellectually with the challenge of Indigenous sovereignties in this place while also aware that my position as a middle class white woman and intellectual imposes limits on what it is possible for me to know about Indigenous epistemologies (see Moreton-Robinson, 2000). In the course of this review I will demonstrate how anthropology's tendency to fix its objects of study within a circumscribed space of 'difference' limits the capacity of texts produced within this discipline to account for racialized struggles over sovereignty. While these struggles are equally embedded in the ethnographic context and the nation's constitution and political institutions, we will see that Muecke and Bird Rose confront problems in analysing the relationship between the intimate space of the 'field', in which one's research subjects quickly become one's 'friends' and/or 'classificatory kin'—on one hand—and the public space of the nation within which statements about Aboriginality by white academics circulate and are vested with an authority that escapes individual intentions and control—on the other.

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This research aims to enrich the understanding of the constitution of a sense of belonging to an aboriginal community in Montreal. It has been demonstrated that there is indeed a social cohesion in Montreal based on the collective aboriginal ethnic identity, or aboriginality. This cohesion is supported by aboriginal organizations and associations, whise approaches and engagements have a direct impact on their inclusion into the community. These institutions are considered as the source of communitarian social bond in the city. By the empowerment of a shared aboriginal identity, the representation of community interests, the integration in the urban life, the service delivery to members of the middle class and the creation of secured spaces dedicated to their cultural heritage, aboriginal associations are creating social ties to the community. On the other hand, some problems like the lack of communication between organizations, their hermetic nature, their excessive bureaucratic methods, the way women in the community monopolize the institutions, the presence of non-aboriginal people as well as the gang phenomenon are all experienced in the organizations. These problems produce harmful consequences on the member’s relations to the communitarian system and reduce their participation and attendance. Also, the social bond within the native community is weakened by various factors outside the grasp of the institutions. Some internal discriminations and stereotypes, sometimes tied to the use of administrative indicators of the Canadian Aboriginal Law, the lack of a native district in Montreal, and the different socio-economic members’ situations create divisions and affect the community spirit. This thesis focuses on the native community construction in an urban area through its institutional sphere, which differs from other studies on urban Natives. The objective is to understand the urban realities and the way the urban native communities are developing themselves.

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This research aims to enrich the understanding of the constitution of a sense of belonging to an aboriginal community in Montreal. It has been demonstrated that there is indeed a social cohesion in Montreal based on the collective aboriginal ethnic identity, or aboriginality. This cohesion is supported by aboriginal organizations and associations, whise approaches and engagements have a direct impact on their inclusion into the community. These institutions are considered as the source of communitarian social bond in the city. By the empowerment of a shared aboriginal identity, the representation of community interests, the integration in the urban life, the service delivery to members of the middle class and the creation of secured spaces dedicated to their cultural heritage, aboriginal associations are creating social ties to the community. On the other hand, some problems like the lack of communication between organizations, their hermetic nature, their excessive bureaucratic methods, the way women in the community monopolize the institutions, the presence of non-aboriginal people as well as the gang phenomenon are all experienced in the organizations. These problems produce harmful consequences on the member’s relations to the communitarian system and reduce their participation and attendance. Also, the social bond within the native community is weakened by various factors outside the grasp of the institutions. Some internal discriminations and stereotypes, sometimes tied to the use of administrative indicators of the Canadian Aboriginal Law, the lack of a native district in Montreal, and the different socio-economic members’ situations create divisions and affect the community spirit. This thesis focuses on the native community construction in an urban area through its institutional sphere, which differs from other studies on urban Natives. The objective is to understand the urban realities and the way the urban native communities are developing themselves.