993 resultados para Vietnam war


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Sweden’s protest against the Vietnam War was given tangible form in 1969 through the decision to give economic aid to the Government of North Vietnam. The main outcome was an integrated pulp and paper mill in the Vinh Phu Province north-west of Hanoi. Known as Bai Bang after its location, the mill became the most costly, one of the longest lasting and the most controversial project in the history of Swedish development cooperation. In 1996 Bai Bang produced at its full capacity. Today the mill is exclusively managed and staffed by the Vietnamese and there are plans for future expansion. At the same time a substantial amount of money has been spent to reach these achievements. Looking back at the cumbersome history of the project the results are against many’s expectations. To learn more about the conditions for sustainable development Sida commissioned two studies of the Bai Bang project. Together they touch upon several important issues in development cooperation over a period of almost 30 years: the change of aid paradigms over time, the role of foreign policy in development cooperation, cultural obstacles, recipient responsibility versus donor led development etc. The two studies were commissioned by Sida’s Department for Evaluation and Internal Audit which is an independent department reporting directly to Sida’s Board of Directors. One study assesses the financial and economic viability of the pulp and paper mill and the broader development impact of the project in Vietnam. It has been carried out by the Centre for International Economics, an Australian private economic research agency. The other study analyses the decision-making processes that created and shaped the project over a period of two decades, and reflects on lessons from the project for development cooperation in general. This study has been carried out by the Chr. Michelsen Institute, a Norweigan independent research institution.

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Background Bien Hoa and Da Nang airbases were bulk storages for Agent Orange during the Vietnam War and currently are the two most severe dioxin hot spots. Objectives This study assesses the health risk of exposure to dioxin through foods for local residents living in seven wards surrounding these airbases. Methods This study follows the Australian Environmental Health Risk Assessment Framework to assess the health risk of exposure to dioxin in foods. Forty-six pooled samples of commonly consumed local foods were collected and analyzed for dioxin/furans. A food frequency and Knowledge–Attitude–Practice survey was also undertaken at 1000 local households, various stakeholders were involved and related publications were reviewed. Results Total dioxin/furan concentrations in samples of local “high-risk” foods (e.g. free range chicken meat and eggs, ducks, freshwater fish, snail and beef) ranged from 3.8 pg TEQ/g to 95 pg TEQ/g, while in “low-risk” foods (e.g. caged chicken meat and eggs, seafoods, pork, leafy vegetables, fruits, and rice) concentrations ranged from 0.03 pg TEQ/g to 6.1 pg TEQ/g. Estimated daily intake of dioxin if people who did not consume local high risk foods ranged from 3.2 pg TEQ/kg bw/day to 6.2 pg TEQ/kg bw/day (Bien Hoa) and from 1.2 pg TEQ/kg bw/day to 4.3 pg TEQ/kg bw/day (Da Nang). Consumption of local high risk foods resulted in extremely high dioxin daily intakes (60.4–102.8 pg TEQ/kg bw/day in Bien Hoa; 27.0–148.0 pg TEQ/kg bw/day in Da Nang). Conclusions Consumption of local “high-risk” foods increases dioxin daily intakes far above the WHO recommended TDI (1–4 pg TEQ/kg bw/day). Practicing appropriate preventive measures is necessary to significantly reduce exposure and health risk.

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Bien Hoa Airbase was one of the bulk storage and supply facilities for defoliants during the Vietnam War. Environmental and biological samples taken around the airbase have elevated levels of dioxin. In 2007, a pre-intervention knowledge, attitude and practice (KAP) survey of local residents living in Trung Dung and Tan Phong wards was undertaken regarding appropriate strategies to reduce dioxin exposure. A risk reduction programme was implemented in 2008 and post-intervention KAP surveys were undertaken in 2009 and 2013 to evaluate the longer term impacts. Quantitative assessment was undertaken via a KAP survey in 2013 among 600 local residents randomly selected from the two intervention wards and one control ward (Buu Long). Eight in-depth interviews and two focus group discussions were also undertaken for qualitative assessment. Most programme activities had ceased and dioxin risk communication activities had not been integrated into local routine health education programmes; however, main results generally remained and were better than that in Buu Long. In total, 48.2% of households undertook measures to prevent exposure, higher than those in pre- and post-intervention surveys (25.8% and 39.7%) and the control ward (7.7%). Migration and the sensitive nature of dioxin issues were the main challenges for the programme's sustainability

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The conflict’s coverage, since its inception, has been closely linked to the relationship that both the military and the media have. The freedom they maintained during their first conflicts, although not without problems, though they suffered strict censorship suffered during World War I, and lastly the straitjacket treatment that they have endured during recent wars. The Vietnam War marked a turning point in this relationship, and after the invasion of Grenada, the military would launch new information guidelines, called Department of Defense National Media Pool. The lack of clear guidance of both control and space, has made for a complicated relationship between media and military, so the rules have evolved after every conflict shaping the future of press coverage and thus, war reporting.

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La non-violence fait référence à une idéologie et un ensemble de pratiques qui ont pour caractéristique commune de rejeter la violence sous toutes ses formes dans l’actualisation quotidienne. La non-violence est cependant devenue également un outil auquel certains recourrent dans des objectifs qui ne servent pas nécessairement le bien commun. En d’autres termes, la non-violence n’est pas systématiquement un outil de paix. Elle est un moyen d’obtenir ce que l’on veut, sans recourir à la violence. Cette thèse propose une vision de la non-violence au service du bien commun. Elle puise dans l’historicité de grands événements et acteurs qui ont utilisé la non-violence pour libérer une collectivité de formes d’oppression qui amenuisaient la dignité humaine. Elle fait référence à des auteurs et acteurs qui ont influencé le théologien processuel David Ray Griffin dans sa propre démarche d’enseignement et de recherche théologiques sur une quarantaine d’années, soient de la guerre du Vietnam à celle d’Iraq. Les dates survolées vont de 1968 à 2008. Une première démarche entreprise par la recherche est de comprendre le plus précisément possible quelles sont les avenues les plus récentes concernant la non-violence et d’explorer ses influences sur la vie et la carrière du théologien processuel États-Unien David Ray Griffin. En second lieu, une rétrospective historique des événements marquants aux États-Unis permet de cerner le contexte au sein duquel Griffin a évolué et comment son discours a laissé transparaître ces influences historiques, sociales et académiques. Une analyse plus centrée sur la politique extérieure des États-Unis en matière d’économie et de militarisme aiguille vers l’identification de signes que Griffin qualifie lui-même d’anti-théologiques, ce qui l’incite à élaborer une vision paradigmatique globalisante, équilibrée selon lui, où les ressources planétaires sont redistribuées dans un souci d’équité et de justice. Pour ce faire, un tribunal international, une religion globale, à l’image de ce que propose la pensée processuelle whiteheadienne-hartshornienne sont proposés. Griffin en brosse les grands traits dans un discours où l’exhortation s’assortit d’une méthodologie et d’une pédagogie éprouvés depuis 40 ans. Une grille d’analyse des textes griffiniens est par la suite élaborée, structurant les différentes composantes fondamentales de sa pensée. Un modèle d’intégration des valeurs de la non-violence est dégagé des lectures, applicable à d’autres disciplines. Appuyé sur une tradition authentique d’auteurs non-violents, David Ray Griffin présente les caractéristiques d’un homme de paix, duquel les idéaux débordent le cadre national pour rejoindre le planétaire, dans une visée résolument sotériologique. Cette visée devient urgente alors que les événements des attentats terroristes du World Trade Center du 11 septembre 2001 font dire à Griffin que non seulement les États-Unis sont engagés dans une démarche impérialiste démoniaque, mais qu’ils contribuent de manière accélérée à la destruction de la planète. Il faut absolument, croit-il, renverser le courant et devenir, pour le monde, un leader de la réparation des écosystèmes, des économies et des sociétés. S’adjoignant des auteurs d’autres disciplines, et toujours dans un cadre processuel, Griffin entreprend le long périple pédagogique qu’est celui de convaincre le plus grand nombre d’individus possible que le temps est venu d’agir.

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Le mémoire historiographique qui suit a comme sujet principal l’étude de l’évolution des perceptions françaises sur l’implication américaine au Vietnam. Nous nous sommes basés sur l’historiographie de deux périodes distinctes, soit celles des années 1960-1970 et 1990-2000. L’objectif était de voir s’il y a eu une transformation du regard que portent les auteurs sur l’implication américaine et, si oui, quelles en sont les causes. Le travail est construit de façon thématique et se divise en trois chapitres. Le premier aborde le choix et l’ampleur des armes utilisées, le second se penche sur la notion du communisme et de la démocratie, et le dernier traite de la conception de l’impérialisme et du colonialisme. Pour tous les thèmes examinés, nous résumons la perception qui ressort de chacun des auteurs afin de comparer les tendances idéologiques propres aux deux périodes étudiées. Nous conclurons qu’il s’est effectivement produit une importante transformation des perceptions. Cette transformation se traduit par une approche de moins en moins critique envers l’implication américaine au Vietnam. Dans chaque chapitre, nous avons pu soulever des causes de changement propres au sujet abordé. Toutefois, une tendance générale et sous-jacente se dégage et s’avère des plus révélatrices, soit le glissement en France des valeurs politiques et morales de la gauche vers la droite, doublé d’un rapprochement idéologique avec les États-Unis.

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo explicar la influencia de la construcción de identidad cultural vietnamita en la Guerra de Independencia de Vietnam entre 1946 y 1954. Se argumenta que la construcción de identidad cultural justificó, promovió y legitimó la guerra de independencia como instrumento político ya que –en tanto proceso relacional– generó durante la colonización francesa prácticas de diferenciación fundamentadas en la reivindicación de los valores, tradiciones, costumbres, creencias y símbolos vietnamitas en torno a la resistencia. Ello propició una ruptura en las relaciones políticas imperantes, lo que condujo a la búsqueda de un nuevo orden social basado en la autodeterminación. Se utiliza una metodología de tipo cualitativa, fundamentada en el análisis documental e historiográfico.

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This essay examines why Vietnam veterans, who were draft motivated enlistees, enlisted when drafted or threatened with the draft. Data is taken from 63 oral history interviews conducted by The Vietnam Archive Oral History Project at Texas Tech University and is analyzed using the phenomenological research approach. The background of this paper briefly explains the Vietnam Draft and the draft avoidance options available to those men who were drafted. The results section utilizes quotes from the oral history interviews to show the main themes of why men chose to enlist when faced with the draft. The discussion section discusses these themes in a wider context and brings up areas for further research.

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It is usually assumed that US policymakers need to generate popular consent in order to undertake regime change against another state. This article explores the ways in which contextual factors such as the joint democracy effect, popular values and public moods influenced efforts by elites in the United States to generate popular consent for regime change in the Philippines and Chile. Against the backdrop of the Vietnam War, the United States undertook covert action in Chile due to public recognition of the target state's democratic credentials and a public mood opposed to further military ventures. In contrast, the absence of a strong joint democracy effect, a national mood infused with romantic nationalism qua militarism and social Darwinism facilitated efforts by US elites to generate consent for the invasion and occupation of the Philippines. Subsequently, this article contributes to understandings of the domestic-level factors that influence foreign policy decisions.

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Because of the shame and controversy surrounding the Vietnam war, a stifling of Vietnam veterans' voices resulted. This paper looks at how this came about, as well as the different ways veterans were regarded in society, and the concomitant affects of this on their psychological welfare. The many films dealing with these events are also discussed.

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This article explores the changing ways in which Australians and Vietnamese remember and memorialize their involvement in the Vietnam War and how these processes intersect with notions of reconciliation and historical justice in postwar contexts. It uses the Battle of Long Tan of August 1966 as an entrée into these considerations and questions how heritage-making and memorialization processes can facilitate the achievement of reconciliation between parties formerly in conflict. Not surprisingly, the Australian and Vietnamese veterans of the battle and the two states, the Commonwealth of Australia and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, have different motivations for wanting to remember Long Tan. On the Australian side, a sense that reconciliation and atonement are needed is often reflected in official government and veterans’ statements about the war and Australia-Vietnam relations, in the memorialization process at Long Tan and in the involvement of Australian veterans groups engaged in local economic development and community building in Vietnam. On the Vietnamese side, where the Vietnam War played out as a civil as well as an international war, efforts by those who actively supported the former Republic of Vietnam based in Saigon in the south and among the overseas Vietnamese (Viet kieu) to memorialize their engagement in the conflict have been frustrated. The usefulness of the notion of seeking historical justice is therefore questioned in post–civil war situations where people are locked into fixed histories and are unprepared or unable to revisit and retell personal and collective memories and histories.

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Dan Cornell returned to Vietnam in 2012, more than 40 years after he was stationed there. From 1970-1971, Dan spent time flying around Vietnam and the neighboring countries in a large, CH-47 helicopter. There was not much time to think about what he was doing or why. In spite of this, Dan managed to become enticed bu this country so different from his own. This presentation features videos and photos from his 8-week trip.

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A performance lecture exploring a) contemporary music hall songs as a means of propaganda, recruitment and later criticism, b) the folk songs originating from among the soldiers, based on music hall, hymn and children's song tunes, and c) songs written about World War 1 by songwriters of the sixties and seventies in the critical vein inspired amongst others by the Vietnam War.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.