986 resultados para Truth recovery, transitional justice
Resumo:
Focusing on post-apartheid South Africa, the report explores the role of lawyers in truth recovery mechanisms.
The report was prepared by Dr Rachel Killean and draws on a series of interviews conducted in South Africa (with legal academics, ‘struggle’ lawyers, state lawyers, judges and human rights activists) as part of the wider Lawyers, Conflict and Transition project.
Dr Killean begins with an overview of the various roles the legal profession has played in South Africa, both during the apartheid era and post-transition.
The first half of the report then explores the role of lawyers as professional participants – firstly at the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and secondly in the Marikana Commission of Inquiry.
The report then considers the notion of lawyers as subjects of truth recovery, looking in particular at the Special Legal Hearing on the legal profession as part of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
In the concluding section Killean reflects on the extent to which lawyers influence the procedures and outcomes of truth recovery mechanisms and offers some concrete suggestions as to how the involvement of lawyers in such processes might be more effectively managed.
With regard to lawyers as subjects of truth recovery, she acknowledges the limitations of the South African model but posits that the endeavour must be applauded, not least because it demonstrated that it is possible to scrutinise the role of the legal profession in past conflict, and that it is worth wrestling with the associated challenges.
Resumo:
This dissertation addresses the timely questions of transitional justice (TJ) in the aftermath of revolutions against autocratic regimes, dealing with TJ as a constitutional arrangement through the lenses of constitutional economics. After an introductory chapter, chapter 2 deals with why nations rarely adopt meaningful TJ processes in the first place, it then explains the limitations of civil society as the arbiter, facilitator, and enforcer of TJ policies. Chapter 3 tackles the question of which mechanisms to choose? It uses the UN Guidelines on TJ that sets five principal TJ mechanisms. It provides a cost-benefit analysis (CBA) of each mechanism and suggests policy implications accordingly. The CBA inspires chapter 4 analysis, suggesting a tradeoff between restrictive fair trial standards under constitutional laws and justice considerations. The tradeoff explains the suggested efficiency of the balanced TJ approaches that combine trials and amnesties. This approach is used for the case study analysis of TJ in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution in chapter 5. The chapter presents the first index of TJ mechanisms in Tunisia through novel data collected by the author. It shows an ultimate TJ design that ended with a modest harvest in the application. The lack of cooperation between the Tunisian parties, added to the absence of transparency in many TJ measures, threatens any possible positive outcomes of the partial TJ process. It is also alarming regarding constitutional compliance in a system that – until recently - was considered the only democracy in the Arab region. Chapter 6 is a summary
Resumo:
Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRC) have emerged in the last few decades as a mechanism for a state to overcome widespread, grave, human rights violations. There are numerous approaches to a TRC all with an ultimate goal: that formerly warring factions, perpetrators, witnesses, and victims can move forward as a united people. I propose that the provision of amnesty is critical to the success of a TRC. I hypothesize that the form of amnesty chosen (i.e. blanket v. conditional amnesty) determines the revelation of truth and realization of justice, which in turn dictates whether a TRC can achieve reconciliation. To test this hypothesis, I use two case studies: South Africa, which has utilized conditional amnesty, and Sierra Leone which has employed blanket amnesty. I create a model for measuring reconciliation. I can then look at the implications of both types of amnesty and assess which, in the end, is more effective. My overarching conclusion is that the provision of conditional amnesty is more effective than blanket amnesty in achieving reconciliation. Ultimately, I hope that this conclusion can be generalized to other TRCs.
Resumo:
This research project involves a comparative, cross-national study of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) in countries around the world that have used these extra-judicial institutions to pursue justice and promote national reconciliation during periods of democratic transition or following a civil conflict marked by intense violence and severe human rights abuses. An important objective of truth and reconciliation commissions involves instituting measures to address serious human rights abuses that have occurred as a result of discrimination, ethnocentrism and racism. In recent years, rather than solely utilizing traditional methods of conflict resolution and criminal prosecution, transitional governments have established truth and reconciliation commissions as part of efforts to foster psychological, social and political healing.
The primary objective of this research project is to determine why there has been a proliferation of truth and reconciliation commissions around the world in recent decades, and assess whether the perceived effectiveness of these commissions is real and substantial. In this work, using a multi-method approach that involves quantitative and qualitative analysis, I consider the institutional design and structural composition of truth and reconciliation commissions, as well as the roles that these commissions play in the democratic transformation of nations with a history of civil conflict and human rights violations.
In addition to a focus on institutional design of truth and reconciliation commissions, I use a group identity framework that is grounded in social identity theory to examine the historical background and sociopolitical context in which truth commissions have been adopted in countries around the world. This group identity framework serves as an invaluable lens through which questions related to truth and reconciliation commissions and other transitional justice mechanisms can be explored. I also present a unique theoretical framework, the reconciliatory democratization paradigm, that is especially useful for examining the complex interactions between the various political elements that directly affect the processes of democratic consolidation and reconciliation in countries in which truth and reconciliation commissions have been established. Finally, I tackle the question of whether successor regimes that institute truth and reconciliation commissions can effectively address the human rights violations that occurred in the past, and prevent the recurrence of these abuses.
Resumo:
This study investigates the influence of justice (procedural, interactional and distributive) on measures of customer satisfaction within a hotel setting. Specifically, the study investigates the levels of satisfaction associated with various combinations of procedural, interactional, and distributive justice related service recovery strategies. Using especially designed video vignettes of a hotel service breakdown, respondents rated their levels of satisfaction for the video vignettes that depicted varying levels of. (a) level of concern shown by the service provider, (b) whether policy was adhered to, (c) degree of 'voice' given to the customer, and (d) type of compensation. Between subject MANOVA analyses revealed a number of main effects and interactions. Results clearly show that satisfaction varied significantly depending on the various combinations of recovery measures. In particular, a two-way interaction between adherence to policy and type of compensation was found. Furthermore, it was found that respondents expressed higher satisfaction with the service when a 50% refund was given, and the provider was seen to be adhering to policy, rather than doing a special favor for the customer. In contrast, when a token measure of compensation is given (i.e. giving away a couple of drink vouchers), respondents expressed higher levels of satisfaction if the service provider was doing a special favor rather than merely adhering to company policy. Implications for managers and scholars are discussed. (C) 2001 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
The Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools is a novel foray into a genre previously associated with so-called “transitional” democracies from the post-Communist world and the global South. This basic fact notwithstanding, a systematic comparison with the broader universe of truth commission-hosting countries reveals that the circumstances surrounding the Canadian TRC are not entirely novel. This article develops this argument by distilling from the transitional justice literature several bases of comparison designed to explain how a truth commission’s capacity to promote new cultures of justice and accountability in the wake of massive violations of human rights is affected by the socio-political context in which the commission occurs; the injustices it is asked to investigate; and the nature of its mandate. It concludes that these factors, compounded by considerations unique to the Canadian context, all militate against success. If Canadian citizens and policymakers fail to meet this profound ethIcal challenge, they will find themselves occupying the transition-wrecking role played more familiarly by the recalcitrant and unreformed military and security forces in the world’s more evidently authoritarian states.
Resumo:
Truth commissions and criminal trials have come to be perceived as complementary transitional justice mechanisms. However, where effective prosecutions are dependent on the exchange of information and transfer of suspects between states under existing mutual legal assistance and extradition arrangements, the operation of a truth commission in the state of territoriality may act as an obstacle to international cooperation. At the same time, requests for assistance from a third state pursuing prosecutions may impact negatively on the truth commission process in the requested state by inhibiting those reluctant to become involved in criminal proceedings from offering testimony. This article demonstrates a practical discord between these bodies when they operate in different states and questions whether they can truly be considered “complementary”.
Resumo:
Le droit international, notamment le droit international des droits de l’homme, a établi des obligations étatiques pour affronter les défis des sociétés en transition : la recherche de la vérité autour des crimes du passé, la poursuite et la sanction pénale aux auteurs de ces crimes, et la réparation aux victimes. Les limitations politiques, sociales et juridiques de la justice transitionnelle sont énormes et elles représentent de grands défis pour les États et pour la communauté internationale en général. Cette recherche a pour but l’analyse du processus de la justice transitionnelle au Pérou après le conflit armé interne et le régime autoritaire de l’ex-présidente Alberto Fujimori à la lumière du droit international. L’étude conclut que le Pérou a accompli les obligations imposées par le droit international en utilisant une approche intégrale de la justice de transition. Néanmoins, il reste encore quelques défis à surmonter liés aux facteurs politiques et sociaux de la réalité péruvienne.
Resumo:
Le droit international, notamment le droit international des droits de l’homme, a établi des obligations étatiques pour affronter les défis des sociétés en transition : la recherche de la vérité autour des crimes du passé, la poursuite et la sanction pénale aux auteurs de ces crimes, et la réparation aux victimes. Les limitations politiques, sociales et juridiques de la justice transitionnelle sont énormes et elles représentent de grands défis pour les États et pour la communauté internationale en général. Cette recherche a pour but l’analyse du processus de la justice transitionnelle au Pérou après le conflit armé interne et le régime autoritaire de l’ex-présidente Alberto Fujimori à la lumière du droit international. L’étude conclut que le Pérou a accompli les obligations imposées par le droit international en utilisant une approche intégrale de la justice de transition. Néanmoins, il reste encore quelques défis à surmonter liés aux facteurs politiques et sociaux de la réalité péruvienne.
Resumo:
Estudio académico que ofrece una visión comparativa y analítica sobre la denominada justicia transicional. El autor repasa numerosos ejemplos y plantea los debates políticos que generan la aplicación de medidas de justicia en épocas de transición. En un campo tan sensible como el abordado, y donde la mayoría de análisis se han roducido desde una perspectiva jurídica Farid Benavides ofrece un examen de las diferentes cuestiones que deben tenerse en cuenta a la hora de poner en marcha mecanismo de justicia transicional.
Resumo:
SUMMARY (Français au-dessous)After the Second World War, the role of the victim in criminal conflict became an objectof interest for academics. But it was only in the 1960s that the importance of providingprotection and assistance to crime victims was highlighted in particular by the victims'movement, which inaugurated a new era of criminal justice in systems throughout the world.Moving beyond just the role of controlling crime and punishing the offender, the criminaljustice system also began to contribute to the victims' rehabilitation and to help the victim tomove on from the event psychologically and emotionally.Although some criminological research has been conducted, to date the effect that thecriminal justice system and victim support services have on the well-being of crime victims isstill uncertain.The current study sought to understand better the healing process of victims of crime, thepotential consequences of their participation on the criminal justice system, and the supportof victim centers. Moreover, it aimed to find out whether the existence of a Victim SupportAct would change the treatment that the victim receives in the criminal justice system. Thusthis research was conducted based in two countries - Switzerland and Brazil - where theoutcome of the victims' movement on the criminal justice system was different, as was theparticipation of the victim in the criminal justice system and the government's provision ofsupport.In order to conduct this research we employed the qualitative method, which is the mostefficient to gather sensitive information. Interviews with crime victims were the main sourceof information. Hearing observation and document research were used as complementarysources.The results of this research show that victims who have contact with the criminal justicesystem and victim services are not more likely to recover than those who had no contact. Thisis to say, the support offered has no major effects; the influence of the criminal justice systemand the victim support services in the emotional well-being of crime victims is rather neutral.However, considering that the sample is not representative, findings are not expected to begeneralized. Instead, findings may give insight to practitioners or to future criminal justicepolicy makers, suggesting what may work to improve the emotional well-being of crimevictims, as well as suggesting further studies.________________________________________________________________________________RÉSUMÉAprès la deuxième guerre mondiale, le rôle de la victime est devenu un objet d'intérêtpour les académiciens. Par contre, c'est seulement dans les années 60 que l'importance defournir de la protection et de l'appui aux victimes d'infractions a été accentuée, en particulierpar un mouvement ― victims' mouvement ―, qui a inauguré un nouveau temps dans lajustice pénale des systèmes juridiques du monde entier. A part la fonction de contrôler lecrime et de punir le délinquant, le système de justice pénale joue également un rôle dans laréhabilitation des victimes.Malgré la réalisation de plusieurs recherches criminologiques sur ce sujet, les effets que lesystème de la justice pénale et les centres d'aides aux victimes ont sur le bien-être desvictimes d'infractions est encore incertain.Ainsi cette étude cherche à mieux comprendre le processus de réhabilitation des victimesd'infraction, les conséquences de leur participation dans le système de justice pénale ainsique la portée de l'appui des centres d'aide. De plus, l'étude vise à découvrir si l'existenced'une loi d'aide aux victimes, particulièrement la Loi d'Aide aux Victimes d'InfractionsLAVI, est susceptible de changer le traitement que la victime reçoit dans le système de lajustice pénale. Pour cela, elle a été conduite dans deux pays - la Suisse et le Brésil - où lesconséquences du mouvement des victimes sur le système de la justice pénale a eu undéveloppement différent; il en va de même pour la participation de la victime dans laprocédure pénale et pour l'appui offert par l'Etat.Cette étude utilise la méthode qualitative qui est la plus efficace pour le recueild'informations sensibles. La plus importante source des données sont les interviews avec lesvictimes. L'observation des audiences et l'analyse de documents ont été utilisés en tant quesources d'information complementáire.Les résultats de cette recherche montrent que les victimes qui ont porté plainte et qui ontreçu l'appui des centres d'aides ne sont pas mieux rétablies que celles qui n'ont rien fait. C'estainsi que nous avons conclu que les services offerts n'ont aucune influence dans ce processus.Cependant, considérant que notre échantillon n'est pas représentatif, il n'est pas possible degénéraliser nos résultats. Néanmoins, ceux-ci peuvent éclairer les praticiens ou les futursdécideurs politiques de la justice pénale, suggérant ce qui peut fonctionner pour lerétablissement des victimes d'infraction, aussi bien que suggérer d'autres études.
Resumo:
Una de las cuestiones más controvertidas en la problemática de la justicia de transición es la relativa a las Comisiones de la Verdad. En este artículo se analizan estos órganos de investigación desde el prisma de la obligación de proveer justicia ante las graves violaciones de derechos humanos y se plantea en qué condiciones una fórmula basada en la verdad y la reparación puede servir a los fines de la justicia penal.
Resumo:
Los países que salen de conflictos armados internos deben afrontar el reto de lograr el equilibrio entre los acuerdos para establecer la paz de un lado y la búsqueda de la justicia y la reconciliación de otro. En realidad, los procesos de justicia y reconciliación están bajo la influencia de numerosos factores entre los cuales se cuentan el impacto del conflicto, los recursos disponibles, el grado de voluntad política, la capacidad institucional, las normas legales, entre otros. En este contexto, la justicia transicional, la reparación, las reformas institucionales, la cooperación con la comunidad internacional y la búsqueda de una paz sostenible son temas importantes. Esta monografía se centra en el dilema entre el derecho de las víctimas a la justicia y el derecho a vivir en paz en un régimen democrático con base en el proceso que adelanta el Gobierno con grupos paramilitares.
Resumo:
Estado del arte que recopila pronunciamientos de diversos autores sobre el papel de la Organización de Naciones Unidas, específicamente la Misión MINUGUA, en el proceso de reconstrucción posconflicto en Guatemala comprendido entre el año 1994 y 2004. Se basa en algunas dimensiones de la democratización como son el Estado de Derecho, la democracia representativa, la preeminencia del poder civil, y el fortalecimiento de la cultura democrática. Así mismo, tiene en cuenta los elementos de la justicia transicional, a saber: verdad, justicia y reparación.
Resumo:
La justicia transicional debe enfrentar la negación de las atrocidades. A pesar de la sofisticación del marco de derechos humanos presente en el sistema legal colombiano, el campo de la justicia transicional en Colombia adolece de un significativo grado de indeterminación normativa, como si dicho campo aconteciera en un vacío constitucional”. Como consecuencia, ha sido objeto de uso estratégico por parte de distintos actores políticos dotados de intencionalidad en la fijación del sentido del arreglo institucional de la llamada justicia transicional. El uso estratégico gravita entre el acatamiento pleno del marco de derechos humanos o su elusión en distintos grados. La elusión niega las atrocidades. Para que el discurso de la justicia transicional en Colombia contribuya a hacer justicia por las atrocidades, debe dar viabilidad práctica a los derechos de las víctimas, no reducir esos estándares. Para ello, son necesarios dos requisitos: desde el punto de vista sustantivo, debe acatar las obligaciones en materia de verdad, justicia y reparación, que son parámetro de constitucionalidad, y respetar el núcleo esencial de tales derechos, sin perjuicio de la libertad de configuración legislativa y de la ponderación judicial. Desde el punto de vista procedimental, debe adoptar como metodología un enfoque contextualizado de análisis comparado que evite el trasplante acrítico de experiencias internacionales inaplicables.