991 resultados para Transnational Organized Environmental Crime
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Small states that lack capacity and act on their own may fall victim to international and domestic terrorism, transnational organized crime or criminal gangs. The critical issue is not whether small Caribbean states should cooperate in meeting security challenges, but it is rather in what manner, and by which mechanisms can they overcome obstacles in the way of cooperation. The remit of the Regional Security System (RSS) has expanded dramatically, but its capabilities have improved very slowly. The member governments of the RSS are reluctant to develop military capacity beyond current levels since they see economic and social development and disaster relief as priorities, requiring little investment in military hardware. The RSS depends on international donors such as the USA, Canada, Great Britain, and increasingly China to fund training programs, maintain equipment and acquire material. In the view of most analysts, an expanded regional arrangement based on an RSS nucleus is not likely in the foreseeable future. Regional political consensus remains elusive and the predominance of national interests over regional considerations continues to serve as an obstacle to any CARICOM wide regional defense mechanism. Countries in the Caribbean, including the members of the RSS, have to become more responsible for their own security from their own resources. While larger CARICOM economies can do this, it would be difficult for most OECS members of the RSS to do the same. The CARICOM region including the RSS member countries, have undertaken direct regional initiatives in security collaboration. Implementation of the recommendations of the Regional Task Force on Crime and Security (RTFCS) and the structure and mechanisms created for the staging of the Cricket World Cup (CWC 2007) resulted in unprecedented levels of cooperation and permanent legacy institutions for the regional security toolbox. The most important tier of security relationships for the region is the United States and particularly USSOUTHCOM. The Caribbean Basin Security Initiative [CBSI] in which the countries of the RSS participate is a useful U.S. sponsored tool to strengthen the capabilities of the Caribbean countries and promote regional ownership of security initiatives. Future developments under discussion by policy makers in the Caribbean security environment include the granting of law enforcement authority to the military, the formation of a single OECS Police Force, and the creation of a single judicial and law enforcement space. The RSS must continue to work with its CARICOM partners, as well as with the traditional “Atlantic Powers” particularly Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom to implement a general framework for regional security collaboration. Regional security cooperation should embrace wider traditional and non-traditional elements of security appropriate to the 21st century. Security cooperation must utilize to the maximum the best available institutions, mechanisms, techniques and procedures already available in the region. The objective should not be the creation of new agencies but rather the generation of new resources to take effective operations to higher cumulative levels. Security and non-security tools should be combined for both strategic and operational purposes. Regional, hemispheric, and global implications of tactical and operational actions must be understood and appreciated by the forces of the RSS member states. The structure and mechanisms, created for the staging of Cricket World Cup 2007 should remain as legacy institutions and a toolbox for improving regional security cooperation in the Caribbean. RSS collaboration should build on the process of operational level synergies with traditional military partners. In this context, the United States must be a true partner with shared interests, and with the ability to work unobtrusively in a nationalistic environment. Withdrawal of U.S. support for the RSS is not an option.
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Lo sviluppo della tesi intende analizzare tre tematiche che si ritengono essere cruciali nel ruolo che il diritto penale può avere per tutelare l’ambiente: in primo luogo la focalizzazione delle responsabilità in materia ambientale, tanto della persona fisica quanto della persona giuridica/ente in cui è maturata la violazione, sia essa meramente contravvenzionale, quanto delittuosa, di pericolo o di danno. In secondo luogo la prevenzione: strutturare sistemi organizzati per cogliere allerte e strutturare metodi organizzati di gestione del rischio-reato è la risposta cui l’ordinamento tende per anticipare la commissione di fattispecie dotate di potenzialità dannose a diffusività esponenziale, anche per il tramite di ipotesi di reati presupposto “sentinella”, idonei a far eventualmente scattare strumenti di prevenzione di reati più gravi, cui le stesse sono, nella prassi, prodromiche. Da ultimo, la riparazione: l’analisi delle tendenze legislative e, conseguentemente, dottrinali e giurisprudenziali di spazi per percorsi condivisi di riparazione del danno cagionato all’ambiente da parte tanto di persone fisiche quanto (e soprattutto, nell’intendimento del presente lavoro) da parte degli enti, strutture collettive che, ove organizzate, costituiscono le prime realtà a presidio tanto della prevenzione, quanto della riparazione dell’eventuale danno cagionato all’ambiente e spesso verificatosi nell’ambito della propria attività produttiva, ove lo scopo della massimizzazione del profitto deve necessariamente fare i conti, al giorno d’oggi, con la sostenibilità ambientale.
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Tämän pro gradu -tutkielman tavoitteena oli tutkia millainen on hyvä ympäristö-johtamisen verkostomalli kunnalle. Lisäksi työssä tarkasteltiin mitä hyötyjä haittoja on kunnan verkostomaisesti organisoidussa ympäristöjohtamisessa verrattuna ei-verkostomaiseen toteutukseen. Työssä selvitettiin myös millaiset verkostojohtamisen mallit ovat tehokkaita ja mitkä ovat verkoston osapuolten odotukset kunnan ympäristöjohtamisen verkostolle. Tutkielman lopputuloksena oli ympäristöjohtamisen verkostomalli kunnalle. Tutkielman teoreettisen viitekehyksen muodostivat julkishallinnon verkoston hallintamalli, verkostojohtaminen, ympäristöjohtaminen ja tehokkuus. Nämä kolme käsitettä muodostivat työn verkostomallin. Tutkimusmenetelmänä työssä käytettiin laadullista tapaustutkimusta, ja tutkimuksen kohteena oli kuntaorganisaation ympäristöjohtamisen verkosto, joka käsitti ympäristöjohtamisen asiantuntijatyöryhmän. Tutkimusaineisto kerättiin teemahaastatteluin ja tutkimuksessa haastateltiin kolmetoista asiantuntijatyöryhmän jäsentä yksilö-, pari- ja ryhmähaastatteluin.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Taking as starting the environmental, social and economic impact of construction and demolition waste in Brazilian cities were created legal mechanisms for management and administration, seeking to minimize the impacts to the maximum, since the irregular deposition can be characterized as environmental crime. CONAMA Resolution No. 307 of 2002 establishing the mandatory implementation of an Integrated Management System Construction Waste and Demolition, guiding the classification and designation of the waste generating agents, collection agents and transporters, and the areas of culling and disposal of waste. The technical partnership between the Ministry of Cities, the Environment Ministry and the Caixa Econômica Federal, coordinated by Pinto & Gonzales (2005) Management in the work and management of construction waste, proposed a guidance manual to guide the implementation of a System Integrated Management of Construction Waste in Municipalities. The municipality of Guanambi in the state of Bahia, in full economic rise, lacks a waste management of construction and demolition, since there has areas for the disposal of waste being proposed in this paper the diagnosis of waste generation in the municipality as part of the methodology proposed by the work of Pinto & Gonzales (2005).
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The central thesis that we aim to survey in this paper is that the present South-American political scene has required of the American imperialism a strategical redesign, in the sense of the neutralization, weakening and, if it is possible, destruction of regional political experiences/tendencies not aligned to its foreign politics. Under the mask of the defense of democracy and beneath the argument that Latin American "market oriented politics" are at stake, due to questions that goes back from the "delin-quency" —in Mexico—, the global terrorism, the organized international crime up to the worldwide drug traffic, the global strategy of American imperialism then sets up the definition of a new doctrine of preventive war that justifies the utilization of hard power against any country, in the name of its own defense. At the heart of the question what —actually— is in the agenda is the defense (and reproduction) of the benefits of its multinationals corporations and financial capital, by means of the international sub-traction of profitable assets, such as financial, energetic, communicational and natural resources, in addition to the domination of local markets, beyond facilitating capital flee amongst others.
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Since El Salvador’s civil war formally ended in 1992 the small Central American nation has undergone profound social changes and significant reforms. However, few changes have been as important or as devastating as the nation’s emergence as a central hub in the transnational criminal “pipeline” or series of recombinant, overlapping chains of routes and actors that illicit organizations use to traffic in drugs, money weapons, human being, endangered animals and other products. The erasing of the once-clear ideological lines that drove the civil war and the ability of erstwhile enemies to join forces in criminal enterprises in the post-war period is an enduring and dangerous characteristic of El Salvador’s transnational criminal evolution. Trained, elite cadres from both sides, with few legitimate job opportunities, found their skills were marketable in the growing criminal structures. The groups moved from kidnapping and extortion to providing protection services to transnational criminal organizations to becoming integral parts of the organizations themselves. The demand for specialized military and transportation services in El Salvador have exploded as the Mexican DTOs consolidate their hold on the cocaine market and their relationships with the transportista networks, which is still in flux. The value of their services has risen dramatically also because of the fact that multiple Mexican DTOs, at war with each other in Mexico and seeking to physically control the geographic space of the lucrative pipeline routes in from Guatemala to Panama, are eager to increase their military capabilities and intelligence gathering capacities. The emergence of multiple non-state armed groups, often with significant ties to the formal political structure (state) through webs of judicial, legislative and administrative corruption, has some striking parallels to Colombia in the 1980s, where multiple types of violence ultimately challenged the sovereignty of state and left a lasting legacy of embedded corruption within the nation’s political structure. Organized crime in El Salvador is now transnational in nature and more integrated into stronger, more versatile global networks such as the Mexican DTOs. It is a hybrid of both local crime – with gangs vying for control off specific geographic space so they can extract payment for the safe passage of illicit products – and transnational groups that need to use that space to successfully move their products. These symbiotic relationships are both complex and generally transient in nature but growing more consolidated and dangerous.
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During the first half of 2006 the city of Sao Paulo suffered three series of violent attacks against the security forces, civilians, and the government. The violent campaign also included a massive rebellion in prisons and culminated in the kidnapping of a journalist and the broadcast of a manifesto from the criminal organization PCC threatening the police and the government. Right after, the main device used to contain organized crime in the prisons was declared unconstitutional. This episode represents a prototypical example of the use of media-focused terrorism by organized crime for projection into the political communication arena.
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This paper extends the optimal law enforcement literature to organized crime.We model the criminal organization as a vertical structure where the principal extracts some rents from the agents through extortion. Depending on the principal's information set, threats may or may not be credible. As long as threats are credible, the principal is able to fully extract rents.In that case, the results obtained by applying standard theory of optimal law enforcement are robust: we argue for a tougher policy. However, when threats are not credible, the principal is not able to fully extract rents and there is violence. Moreover, we show that it is not necessarily true that a tougher law enforcement policy should be chosen when in presence of organized crime.
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The production and use of false identity and travel documents in organized crime represent a serious and evolving threat. However, a case-by-case perspective, thus suffering from linkage blindness and a limited analysis capacity, essentially drives the present-day fight against this criminal problem. To assist in overcoming these limitations, a process model was developed using a forensic perspective. It guides the systematic analysis and management of seized false documents to generate forensic intelligence that supports strategic and tactical decision-making in an intelligence-led policing approach. The model is articulated on a three-level architecture that aims to assist in detecting and following-up on general trends, production methods and links between cases or series. Using analyses of a large dataset of counterfeit and forged identity and travel documents, it is possible to illustrate the model, its three levels and their contribution. Examples will point out how the proposed approach assists in detecting emerging trends, in evaluating the black market's degree of structure, in uncovering criminal networks, in monitoring the quality of false documents, and in identifying their weaknesses to orient the conception of more secured travel and identity documents. The process model proposed is thought to have a general application in forensic science and can readily be transposed to other fields of study.