Uma proposta de integração entre a abordagem kaleckiana da distribuição setorial funcional da renda e a teoria schumpeteriana do processo de concorrência

This paper uses a theoretical schumpeterian and kaleckian to analyze the dynamic effects of innovation on competitiveness and sectoral functional income distribution. By affecting the mark-up and market power successful innovations allow the expansion of the asymmetries between firms, intensifying competition and promoting mismatches in sectoral income distribution between wages and profits.

Planejamento situacional : uma análise neo-institucionalista

O trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma crítica da metodologia do planejamento situacional utilizado no setor saúde. Para tanto, constrói-se uma estrutura do que se entende por planejamento fazendo uso da nova teoria institucionalista. A metodologia adotada foi a adequação dos novos conceitos institucionalistas - papel das organizações e instituições, arranjos institucional, contratos e custos de transação - àqueles consagrados na literatura sobre este tema. A principal conclusão deste estudo é de que embora para o planejamento situacional o jogo político seja a variável fundamental para se formular qualquer proposta factível de planejamento, ele não consegue atingir esta finalidade, uma vez que as instituições, o lócus onde acontece todo o processo político, ou não, estão presentes ou são mal caracterizadas. Além disso, o trabalho remete a tentativa de construção de um novo arcabouço teórico para o planejamento, considerando a flexibilidade dos preços e das instituições que dele fazem parte.

International civil society actors in Genetically Modificied Organisms as a field of struggle: a neo-gramscian study in Brazil and the United Kingdom

Since the international financial and food crisis that started in 2008, strong emphasis has been made on the importance of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) (or “transgenics”) under the claim that they could contribute to increase food productivity at a global level, as the world population is predicted to reach 9.1 billion in the year 2050 and food demand is predicted to increase by as much as 50% by 2030. GMOs are now at the forefront of the debates and struggles of different actors. Within civil society actors, it is possible to observe multiple, and sometime, conflicting roles. The role of international social movements and international NGOs in the GMO field of struggle is increasingly relevant. However, while many of these international civil society actors oppose this type of technological developments (alleging, for instance, environmental, health and even social harms), others have been reportedly cooperating with multinational corporations, retailers, and the biotechnology industry to promote GMOs. In this thesis research, I focus on analysing the role of “international civil society” in the GMO field of struggle by asking: “what are the organizing strategies of international civil society actors, such as NGOs and social movements, in GMO governance as a field of struggle?” To do so, I adopt a neo-Gramscian discourse approach based on the studies of Laclau and Mouffe. This theoretical approach affirms that in a particular hegemonic regime there are contingent alliances and forces that overpass the spheres of the state and the economy, while civil society actors can be seen as a “glue” to the way hegemony functions. Civil society is then the site where hegemony is consented, reproduced, sustained, channelled, but also where counter-hegemonic and emancipatory forces can emerge. Considering the importance of civil society actors in the construction of hegemony, I also discuss some important theories around them. The research combines, on the one hand, 36 in-depth interviews with a range of key civil society actors and scientists representing the GMO field of struggle in Brazil (19) and the UK (17), and, on the other hand, direct observations of two events: Rio+20 in Rio de Janeiro in 2012, and the first March Against Monsanto in London in 2013. A brief overview of the GMO field of struggle, from its beginning and especially focusing in the 1990s when the process of hegemonic formation became clearer, serves as the basis to map who are the main actors in this field, how resource mobilization works, how political opportunities (“historical contingencies”) are discovered and exploited, which are the main discourses (“science” and “sustainability” - articulated by “biodiversity preservation”, “food security” and “ecological agriculture”) articulated among the actors to construct a collective identity in order to attract new potential allies around “GMOs” (“nodal point”), and which are the institutions and international regulations within these processes that enable hegemony to emerge in meaningful and durable hegemonic links. This mapping indicates that that the main strategies applied by the international civil society actors are influenced by two central historical contingencies in the GMO field of struggle: 1) First Multi-stakeholder Historical Contingency; and 2) “Supposed” Hegemony Stability. These two types of historical contingency in the GMO field of struggle encompass deeper hegemonic articulations and, because of that, they induce international civil society actors to rethink the way they articulate and position themselves within the field. Therefore, depending on one of those moments, they will apply one specific strategy of discourse articulation, such as: introducing a new discourse in hegemony articulation to capture the attention of the public and of institutions; endorsing new plural demands; increasing collective visibility; facilitating material articulations; sharing a common enemy identity; or spreading new ideological elements among the actors in the field of struggle.

Botticelli: pintura e teoria

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Tutela penal e teoria crítica de direitos humanos: uma intersecção crítico-dialética marginal

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Neo-liberalismo, educação e racionalização: a criação da Escola Livre de Sociologia e Política como prática política da grande indústria paulista nos anos 30.

Na efrevescência político-social que marcou as décadas de 1920 e 1930 no Brasil, quatro grandes temas ganhavam destaque e apareciam como bandeira comum à maioria dos atores em luta: industrialização, revolução, racionalização e educação. Em São Paulo, em meio as lutas pela universalização de uma vontade particular, o tema da educação ganha cores mais vivas, seja como lugar previlegiado do confronto político, seja, ao contrário como elemento aglutinador de grupos com interesses divergentes - como se pode observar quando do fortalecimento da bandeira da união em torno dos interesses paulistas. Bandeira essa que chega a transformar-se em forte mistica a partir do Movimento Constitucionalista de 1932: somente São Paulo seria capaz de fornecer homens suficientemente competentes para compor a elite dirigente do Brasil, um pais que passava por um período de grave crise provocada, principalmente, pela inexistência de uma sólida estrutura educacional moderna que fosse capaz de reeducar as massas e formar técnicos competentes para administar as coisas públicas. Com o fim do Movimento de 32, que havia sustentado uma aliança de diferentes grupos paulistas, entre eles o grupo político do jornal O Estado de São Paulo, principal responsável pelo projeto de criação da Universidade de São Paulo em 1934, e o núcleo de empresários representados pela FIESP (Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo) -, as práticas políticas particulares são retomadas. Em 1933, os empresários tomam a dianteira criando a Escola Livre de Sociologia e política, que aparece como um dos mais importantes atos políticosda grande indústria no Brasil. No discurso de inauguração, Roberto Simonsen, presidente da FIESP, admitindo a necessidade de reformulação do velho liberalismo ortodoxo e defendendo um Estado neo-liberal, indica a prática de largos horizontes com a qual essa escola deveria estar comprometida: a instituição de verdades científicas sobre a realidade brasileira, capazes de proporcionar os instrumentos necessários para garantir a correta ação de um Estado normatizador da sociedade segundo a vontade da grande indústria.

Tecnologia da informação, discurso e poder: análise de domínio a partir do conceito de exclusão digital na perspectiva da teoria centro-periferia

Pós-graduação em Ciência da Informação - FFC

A sociedade midiática e a tecnologia nos parâmetros curriculares nacionais do ensino médio: um estudo à luz da teoria crítica da sociedade

Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR

Matematica e musica grafi, tonnetz e teorie neo-riemanniane

Il primo capitolo verte su argomenti di musica e, dopo una breve premessa generale, ed alcuni cenni biografici di J. S. Bach, si passa ad una analisi strutturale di tipo aritmetico e geometrico su alcune sue famose composizioni, sottolineando in particolare la passione del grande compositore per la numerologia, esaminando l’importanza che il fattore numerologico sempre assume nelle sue opere. Il secondo capitolo verte su argomenti di matematica e tratta alcuni importanti aspetti della teoria dei grafi, del toro e dell’immersione di grafi in superfici. Il terzo capitolo, nel quale si fa riferimento agli argomenti dei primi due capitoli, è diviso in tre parti: la prima esamina alcuni principali fondamenti matematico-musicali, la seconda propone un excursus storico dalla scala pitagorica al temperamento equabile, la terza approfondisce il ciclo delle quinte, il Tonnetz e le teorie neo-riemanniane.

Neo-Dandy

Neo-Dandy was a practice-led research project that explored histories of a quintessential men’s and womenswear garment from across the ages — the formal white dress shirt. The aim was to generate a body of radically new mens’ shirts that, whilst incorporating characteristics normally associated with womenswear, would remain acceptable to male wearers. A detailed study identified a broad spectrum of historical design approaches, ranging from the orthodox man’s shirt to the many variations of the women’s blouse. Within this spectrum a threshold was discovered where the men’s shirt morphed into the woman’s blouse — a ‘design moment’ that appeared to typify the dandy figure (a fashion character who subversively confronts dress norms of their day). The research analysed thousands of archive catwalk images from leading contemporary menswear designers, and of these, only a small number tampered appreciably with the men’s white dress shirt — suggesting a new realm of possibility for fashion design innovation. This led to the creation of a new body of work labelled ‘Neo-Dandy’. Sixty ‘concept shirts’ were produced, with differing styles and varying degrees of detailing, that fitted the brief of being acceptable to male wearers, eminently ‘wearable’ and on a threshold position between menswear and womenswear. These designs were each tested, documented, and assessed in their capacity to evolve the Neo-Dandy aesthetic. Based on these outcomes, a list of key design principles for achieving this aesthetic was identified to assist designers in further evolving this style. The creative work achieved substantial public acclaim with the ‘Neo Dandy Collection’ winning a prestigious Design Institute of Australia Award (Lifestyle category) and being one of four finalists in the prestigious overall field for design excellence. It was subsequently curated into three major Brisbane exhibitions — the ARC Biennial, at Artisan Gallery and the industry leader, the Mercedes Benz Fashion Festival. The collection was also exhibited at the Queensland Art Gallery.

Neo-Dandy

Neo-Dandy was a practice-led research project that explored histories of a quintessential men’s and womenswear garment from across the ages — the formal white dress shirt. The aim was to generate a body of radically new mens’ shirts that incorporated characteristics normally associated with womenswear, whist remaining acceptable to male wearers. A detailed study identified a broad spectrum of historical design approaches, ranging from the orthodox man’s shirt to the many variations of the women’s blouse. Within this spectrum a threshold was discovered where the men’s shirt morphed into the woman’s blouse — a ‘design moment’ that appeared to typify the dandy figure (a fashion character who subversively confronts dress norms of their day). The research analysed thousands of archive catwalk images from leading contemporary menswear designers, and of these, only a small number tampered appreciably with the men’s white dress shirt — suggesting a new realm of possibility for fashion design innovation. This led to the creation of a new body of work labelled ‘Neo-Dandy’. Sixty ‘concept shirts’ were produced, with differing styles and varying degrees of detailing, that fitted the brief of being acceptable to male wearers, eminently ‘wearable’ and on a threshold position between menswear and womenswear. These designs were each tested, documented, and assessed in their capacity to evolve the Neo-Dandy aesthetic. Based on these outcomes, a list of key design principles for achieving this aesthetic was identified to assist designers in further evolving this style. The creative work achieved substantial public acclaim with the ‘Neo Dandy Collection’ winning a prestigious Design Institute of Australia Award (Lifestyle category) and being one of four finalists in the prestigious overall field for design excellence. It was subsequently curated into three major Brisbane exhibitions — the ARC Biennial, at Artisan Gallery and the industry leader, the Mercedes Benz Fashion Festival. The collection was also exhibited at the Queensland Art Gallery.

Globalist Fallacies, Fictions and Facts: The MAI and Neo-classic Ideology

There is little evidence, historical or otherwise, to suggest that the needs of people and societies change greatly over time. Whilst acknowledging the benefits of the many recent technological innovations that are part of the contemporary milieu, I am reluctant to see such advances as sufficient rationale for the dismantling of the social contract between a government and its citizenry. The Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) highlights the move amongst developed countries to replace a national policy focus with a multilateral approach to global policy formulation that transcends the sovereignty of nation states. The purpose of this paper is to refute the assumptions underpinning multilateralist assertions that government has a diminishing role to play in the global society, and that national sovereignty, due to the increasingly important role of multilateral agreements and the global economy, is ‘a thing of the past’ (Arthur Asher, background briefing interview, Radio National, February 1, 1998). The basic premises that underpin the globalist argument1 for the diminishing role of government are that: • Economic growth increases jobs, prosperity, and freedom. • Free trade is an imperative for successful globalisation because financial sector performance - which depends on deregulation - is integral to global economic growth. • Information technology is revolutionising global trade and making globalisation inevitable. • Globalisation through deregulation, makes national boundaries meaningless, and therefore, national regulatory policies anachronistic. This paper compares the aforementioned axiomatic premises of globalisation to actual outcomes, events, and trends in the real world.

Letting go of Neo-Liberalism (with some help from Michel Foucault)

Neo-liberalism has become one of the boom concepts of our time. From its original reference point as a descriptor of the economics of the “Chicago School” such as Milton Friedman, or authors such as Friedrich von Hayek, neo-liberalism has become an all-purpose descriptor and explanatory device for phenomena as diverse as Bollywood weddings, standardized testing in schools, violence in Australian cinema, and the digitization of content in public libraries. Moreover, it has become an entirely pejorative term: no-one refers to their own views as “neo-liberal”, but it rather refers to the erroneous views held by others, whether they acknowledge this or not. Neo-liberalism as it has come to be used, then, bears many of the hallmarks of a dominant ideology theory in the classical Marxist sense, even if it is often not explored in these terms. This presentation will take the opportunity provided by the English language publication of Michel Foucault’s 1978-79 lectures, under the title of The Birth of Biopolitics, to consider how he used the term neo-liberalism, and how this equates with its current uses in critical social and cultural theory. It will be argued that Foucault did not understand neo-liberalism as a dominant ideology in these lectures, but rather as marking a point of inflection in the historical evolution of liberal political philosophies of government. It will also be argued that his interpretation of neo-liberalism was more nuanced and more comparative than the more recent uses of Foucault in the literature on neo-liberalism. It will also look at how Foucault develops comparative historical models of liberal capitalism in The Birth of Biopolitics, arguing that this dimension of his work has been lost in more recent interpretations, which tend to retro-fit Foucault to contemporary critiques of either U.S. neo-conservatism or the “Third Way” of Tony Blair’s New Labour in the UK.

Michel Foucault's 'the birth of biopolitics' and contemporary neo-liberalism debates

Neo-liberalism has become one of the boom concepts of our time. From its original reference point as a descriptor of the economics of the ‘Chicago School’ or authors such as Friedrich von Hayek, neo-liberalism has become an all-purpose concept, explanatory device and basis for social critique. This presentation evaluates Michel Foucault’s 1978–79 lectures, published as The Birth of Biopolitics, to consider how he used the term neo-liberalism, and how this equates with its current uses in critical social and cultural theory. It will be argued that Foucault did not understand neo-liberalism as a dominant ideology in these lectures, but rather as marking a point of inflection in the historical evolution of liberal political philosophies of government. It will also be argued that his interpretation of neo-liberalism was more nuanced and more comparative than more recent contributions. The article points towards an attempt to theorize comparative historical models of liberal capitalism.