980 resultados para Social safety net


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Póster presentado en SPIE Photonics Europe, Brussels, 16-19 April 2012.

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If introduced successfully, national Golden Rules will completely overturn fiscal governance in the eurozone. Golden Rules would almost always be more stringent than EU-level fiscal norms. EU fiscal norms will hence evolve into a safety net in case a Golden Rule fails. The possibility of such a failure is, indeed, not to be dismissed. Because of the severity of the Golden Rules, eurozone leaders should reflect on their design. There is a real risk that they will undercut public investment, which would be at the cost of the EU’s other long-term challenges.

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The 2014 Farm Bill created Supplemental Coverage Option (SCO), a new add-on crop insurance option which provides supplemental coverage on a producer’s underlying crop insurance policy. SCO operates by mimicking a producer’s individual crop insurance coverage and covering a portion of the deductible based on county-level yield or revenue. SCO is available in select Maryland counties for apples, barley, corn, grain sorghum, green peas, oats, peaches, processing beans, soybeans, sweet corn, and winter wheat, as of the 2017 crop year. USDA’s Risk Management Agency (RMA) continues to expand covered counties and crops covered, and begin distinguishing by practices (such as irrigated compared to non-irrigated).

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The aim of the study was to explore the importance of evaluating leadership criteria in Finland at leader/subordinate levels of the insurance industry. The overall purpose of the thesis is tackled and analyzed from two different perspectives: - by examining the importance of the leadership criteria and style of Finnish insurance business leaders and their subordinates - by examining the opinions of insurance business leaders regarding leadership criteria in two culturally different countries: the US and Finland. This thesis consists of three published articles that scrutinise the focal phenomena both theoretically and empirically. The main results of the study do not lend support to the existence of a universal model of leadership criteria in the insurance business. As a matter of fact, the possible model seems to be based more on the special organizational and cultural circumstances of the country in question. The leadership criteria seem to be quite stable irrespective of the comparatively short research time period (3–5 years) and hierarchical level (subordinate/leader). Leaders have major difficulties in changing their leadership style. In fact, in order to bring about an efficient organizational change in the company you have to alternate the leader. The cultural dimensions (cooperation and monitoring) identified by Finnish subordinates were mostly in line with those of their managers, whilst emphasizing more the aspect of monitoring employees, which could be seen from their point of view as another element of managers’ optimizing/efficiency requirements. In Finnish surveys the strong emphasis on cooperation and mutual trust become apparent by both subordinates and managers. The basic problem is still how to emphasize and balance them in real life in such a way that both parties are happy to work together on a common basis. The American surveys suggests hypothetically that in a soft market period (buyer’s market) managers employ a more relationship-oriented leadership style and correspondingly adapt their leadership style to a more task-oriented approach in a hard market phase (seller’s market). In making business better Finnish insurance managers could probably concentrate more on task-oriented items such as reviewing, budgeting, monitoring and goal-orientation. The study also suggests that the social safety net of the European welfare state ideology has so far shielded the culture-specific sense of social responsibility of Finnish managers from the hazards of free competition and globalization.

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This article discusses the notion that the persistence of “traditional” political practices weakens Brazil’s democracy.Drawing on the cases of three Brazilian municipalities administered by the Workers’ Party (PT), the author examines the space between “traditional” and “modern” and argues that successful democratization does not eradicate practices such as clientelism and patronage, but it tends to incorporate and build on these traditional political elements. Moreover, the article maintains that the democratization of municipal politics is inextricably bound up with the eradication of poverty and the construction of a responsive, state-based social safety net.

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アジア通貨危機後、韓国はIMFの構造調整を受け入れた。不況とマクロ緊縮政策があいまって、失業率が急激に上昇した。その対策として、政府はソーシャル・セーフティネットの整備に力を入れた。雇用保険の適用者拡大などの政策は、IMFのコンディショナリティに従ったものである。しかし、実際に実施された政策はIMFの勧告を超え、広く社会保障の整備につながるものであった。

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Ao longo dos últimos trinta anos, entre meados das décadas de 1980 e 2010, os sistemas de saúde da Alemanha, França e Reino Unido foram reformados, gerando uma crescente mercantilização no financiamento e na prestação de serviços. O trabalho analisa as raízes dessas mudanças, assim como identifica que a mercantilização não ocorreu nem mediante os mesmos mecanismos e nem com a mesma profundidade, havendo importante inércia institucional. As diferenças observadas atestam as especificidades de cada país, em termos de seu contexto econômico, de seus arranjos políticos, das características institucionais de cada sistema e das formas que assumiram os conflitos sociais (extra e intra sistema de saúde). Os sistemas de saúde alemão, francês e britânico, enquanto sistemas públicos de ampla cobertura e integralidade, são frutos do período após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Um conjunto de fatores contribuiu para aquele momento histórico: os próprios impactos do conflito, que forjaram a ampliação na solidariedade nacional e a maior pressão por parte dos trabalhadores; a ascensão socialista na União Soviética; o maior apoio à ação e ao planejamento estatal; o forte crescimento econômico, fruto da emersão de um regime de acumulação fordista, pautado na expansão da produtividade. A acomodação do conflito capital-trabalho, neste contexto, ocorreu mediante a expansão dos salários reais e ao desenvolvimento do Estado de bem-estar social, ou seja, de políticas públicas voltadas à criação e/ou ampliação de uma rede de proteção social. No entanto, a crise econômica da década de 1970 corroeu a base de financiamento e gerou questionamentos sobre sua eficiência, em meio à transformação do regime de acumulação de fordista para financeirizado, levando à adoção de reformas constantes ao longo das décadas seguintes. Além disso, as transformações específicas do setor saúde complexificaram a situação, tendo em vista o crescente envelhecimento populacional, a demanda por cuidados mais amplos e complexos e, principalmente, os custos derivados da incorporação tecnológica. Este cenário impulsionou a implementação de uma série de alterações nesses sistemas de saúde, com destaque para a incorporação de mecanismos de mercado (como a precificação dos serviços prestados, a indução à concorrência entre prestadores de serviços), o crescimento da responsabilidade dos usuários pelo financiamento do sistema (como o aumento nos co-pagamentos e a redução na cobertura pública) e a ampliação da participação direta do setor privado na prestação dos serviços de saúde (realizando os serviços auxiliares, a gestão de hospitais públicos, comprando instituições estatais). No entanto, de forma simultânea, as reformas ampliaram o acesso e a regulamentação estatal, além da modificação na base de financiamento, principalmente na França. Isto significa que a mercantilização não foi o único direcionamento das reformas, em decorrência de dois fatores principais: a própria crise econômica expulsou parcela da população dos mecanismos pós-guerra de proteção à saúde, demandando reação estatal, e diferentes agentes sociais influenciaram nas mudanças, bloqueando ou ao menos limitando um direcionamento mercantil único.

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The European economy is slowly and painfully striving to reemerge from the last six years of crisis. It was a crisis of enormous intensity and contagiousness, given the unprecedented depth of global financial integration combined with the systemic flaws in the EMU architecture. And it is not over, as the high levels of unemployment and the growing divergence between Member States testify. The threat of fragmentation is imminent as ever: fragmentation between euro-ins and euro-outs; fragmentation between North and South; fragmentation within societies, with increasing income inequality and a growing number of, what used to be, the middle class population slipping through the social safety net and below poverty lines. Policies of front-loaded fiscal consolidation have left welfare states in economically weaker countries severely underfunded. According to OECD data, the number of people living in households without any income from work has doubled in Greece, Ireland and Spain, and has risen by 20% or more in Estonia, Italy, Latvia, Portugal, and Slovenia. Fertility rates have dropped further since the crisis, deepening the demographic and fiscal challenges of ageing. There are long-term implications from these deteriorating trends, regarding people's long-term health, education and upward mobility from low-income families. It is also highly likely that many of the people unemployed for a long period of time will never again be able to gain proper access to the job market and build a normal career track. The enduring effects of the crisis risk creating vicious cycles of low growth, high debt levels, austerity, declining productivity, and stagnation. These developments carry heavy implications for the future growth prospects of the European economies, for future prosperity, and for the sustainability of pension systems and welfare states. They must be urgently reversed.

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This paper reviews the expected effects of the current financial crisis and subsequent recession on the rural landscape, in particular the agri-food sector in Europe and Central Asia (ECA) on the basis of the structure of the rural economy and of different organisations and institutions. Empirical evidence suggests that the crisis has hit the ECA region the hardest. Agriculture contributes about 9% to gross domestic product (GDP) for the ECA region as a whole with 16% of the population being employed in the agricultural sector. As far as the impact of the financial crisis on the agri-food sector is concerned, there are a few interconnected issues: (1) reduction in income elastic food demand and commodity price decline, (2) loss of employment and earnings of rural people working in urban centres, implying also costly labour reallocation, (3) rising rural poverty originating mainly from lack of opportunities in the non-farm sector and a sizable decline of international remittances, (4) tightening of agricultural credit markets, and the (5) collapse of sectoral government support programs and social safety-net measures in many countries. The paper reveals how the crisis hit farming and broader agri-business differently in general and in the ECA sub-regions.

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The concept of food security is often anchored in popular understandings of the challenge to produce and supply enough food. However, decades of policies for intensive agriculture have not alleviated hunger and malnutrition, with an absence of food security featuring in both economically developing and developed nations. Despite perceptions that the economic growth in advanced, capitalist societies will ensure freedom from hunger, this is not universal across so-called ‘wealthy nations’. To explore the dynamics of food security in economically developed countries, this paper considers institutional approaches to domestic food security primarily through responses to poverty and welfare entitlements, and, secondarily, through food relief. Through the lens of social entitlements to food and their formation under various expressions of welfare capitalism, we highlight how the specific institutional settings of two economically developed nations, Australia and Norway, respond to uncertain or insufficient access to food. Whilst Norway's political agenda on agricultural support, food pricing regulation and universal social security support offers a robust, although indirect, safety net in ensuring entitlements to food, Australia's neoliberal trajectory means that approaches to food security are ad hoc and rely on a combination of self-help, charitable and market responses. Despite its extensive food production Australia appears less capable of ensuring food security for all its inhabitants compared to the highly import-dependent Norway.

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The relevance and importance of informal safety nets that buffer poor households from livelihood hardships have been given little attention in South Africa’s development programmes to date. This article contributes to the understanding of informal safety nets by investigating local perceptions in a South African informal settlement. The main findings of the study are that families perform an important safety net function, but that these sources of assistance can be susceptible to social isolation. Immediate neighbours and friends also play an important safety net role, but these reciprocal-based sources of assistance may be difficult to secure. Community-wide threats can have a severe impact on people’s ability to engage in safety net transfers. Many of these difficulties stem from South Africa’s structural unemployment crisis. This factor is the greatest danger to the future of the informal safety net system in the informal settlement.

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Contrary to popular belief, teenage mothers are a declining proportion of birthing women; however they receive much negative public attention. Of particular public concern is the high cost of supporting teenage mothers, in terms of financial, health and welfare resources. Historically, the typical founding mother of white Australia was single, but post-war changes in the family structure incorporated the expectation that children be born into two-parent households with the male as the breadwinner. Policy changes in the seventies saw the introduction of the Sole Parents Pension which meant that many birthing teenage women could choose to keep their infants rather than have a clandestine adoption or an enforced marriage. The parenting practices of teenage mothers have been criticised for being less than optimal, and mother and child are reported as being disadvantaged cognitively, psychosocially, and educationally. One widespread nursing service which provides support for new mothers in Victoria is the Maternal and Child Health Service; however, teenage mothers appear reluctant to use such services. Why this should be so became an important question for this research, since little is known about the parenting practices of teenage mothers. This study therefore sought to explore mothering from the perspective of five sole supporting teenage mothers each of whom had a child over six months of age. The research methodology took an interpretive ethnographic approach and was guided by feminist principles. The data were collected through repeated interviewing, participant observation, informal discussions with key informants, field notes and journalling. Data analysis was aided by the use of the software, program NUD-IST. It was found that the young women in this study each chose to give birth with full realisation that their existence was dependent on the Welfare State. Unanticipated, however, were the many structural barriers which made their lives cataclysmic, but these reinforced their determination to prove themselves worthy and capable mothers. The young women negotiated motherhood through a range of social supports and through maternal practice. Unquestionably, their social dependency on the welfare system forced them into marginal citizen status. Moreover, absolute and intrinsic poverty levels were experienced, brought about by inadequate welfare payments. Formal support agencies, such as the Maternal and Child Health nurses were rarely approached to provide childrearing support beyond the initial months following birthing, since the teenagers' basic needs such as shelter, food and clothing took precedence over their parenting needs. Additionally, some nurses were perceived to hold judgmental attitudes towards teenage mothers. It was far easier to forestall confrontation with nurses and the other 'older' women clientele by avoiding them. Thus XI they turned to charitable agencies who provided a safety net in the form of emergency supplies of money, food, or equipment. Informal networks of friends provided alternative modes of support when family help failed to materialise. The children, however, provided the young women with an opportunity to transform their lives by breaking free of the past, and by creating a new, mature existence for themselves. Despite being abandoned by family, friends, lovers and society, in the privacy and isolation of their own homes, they attempted to provide a more nurturing environment for their children than they themselves had received. Each bestowed unconditional maternal love on the child and were rewarded through the pleasures of watching their children grow and develop into worthwhile individuals. The children became the focus of their attention and their reason for living. In the course of their welfare dependency, the young women became public property, targets of surveillance, and were subjected to stigmatising and condescending public attitudes wherever they went. In this way, it was evident that they were an oppressed group, but each found ways of resisting. Rather than focussing on their oppressive or disabling lives, or dwelling on their disadvantaged status, the young women sought their identities as mature women through motherhood and by demonstrating that they could do this important job well. Through motherhood their lives had meaning and a sense of purpose. The thesis concludes that motherhood in the teenage years is difficult. However, if appropriate supports are made available, teenage mothers need be no different from non-teenage mothers. But with state resources shrinking, and their own resources limited, teenage mothers are disadvantaged. In some ways, this study showed that all levels of support were inadequate, although those provided through the charitable organizations were seen to be the most appropriate. This reflects the current policy of economic rationalism adopted by most Western liberal democracies in the 1980s and 1990s and no less by the former Keating Labor Government in Australia.

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography