Savages into citizens: Families, political purge, and reconciliation in Cordoba, Argentina, 1820--1862

This dissertation explores the political exclusion and reintegration of families and individuals in Córdoba, Argentina during the early nineteenth-century. Part one is an examination of how Federals in Córdoba managed the process of political identification and purge. Federals set up ad hoc institutions that were responsible for targeting political subversives within provincial communities. From 1831 to 1852, Federals managed to target, or “classify,” over 400 individuals and families in various towns and villages as “savage Unitarians,” a political label that meant the certain loss of rights, property, exile, and worse. Federals also sought active participation among “citizens” from all levels of society. Thus, I argue that the process of correctly identifying a “savage Unitarian” in Córdoba was constantly subject to modification at the local level. I also reconstruct the stories of accused families as they struggled to survive the political purges. Many of the families were large landowners and wealthy merchants, confirming that early republican Argentine political struggles were often intra-elite affairs. However, the “classified” individuals and families also represented a variety of socio-economic, ethnic, and racial groups. ^ The second part of this study focuses on families who petitioned Federal authorities for the restitution of rights and property. They proclaimed their loyalty to the “Federal cause,” and often, they had friends and family who could vouch for their claims. These petitions forced Federal authorities to doubt the precision of political identification and re-think how the ideology of Federalism was defined. Authorities granted most requests for repatriation, thereby creating a process of reintegration that included amnesty and restitution. Yet, this system failed to repair the psychological, emotional, materials, and political effects of political purge. Conflicts between society and state led to numerous misunderstandings about what restitution, justice, and reconciliation meant. The new regime's leaders more often denied restitution claims to formerly accused families and individuals, demonstrating that the journey from “savage” to citizen left an indelible imprint on family life in mid-nineteenth century Argentina. ^

Daniel D. Tompkins letter to General Dearborn, June 28, 1812.

Transcript [original spelling and grammar retained]: Albany June 28 1812 Sir Your letter of the 23d has been received. I had anticipated your request by ordering the detachment from Washington, Essex, Clinton and Franklin Counties into service and have fixed the days and places of their Rendezvous. Upon application to the quarter master General I find there are but 139 tents & 60 camp kettles at this place & even those I take by a kind of stealth. The Deputy Quarter Master General declines giving an order for their delivery until he shall have a written order from the Quarter Master General, and the latter is willing I Shall take them but will not give the Deputy a written order for that purpose. Under Such circumstances I shall avail myself of the rule of Possession and by virtue of the Eleven Points of Law Send them tomorrow morning without a written order from anyone. You may remember that when you were Secretary of the war department I invited you to forward and deposit in our Frontier Arsenals, arms ammunition and camp equipage free of expense to be ready in case of war and the same invitation to the war department has been repeated some time, Since The United States have now from 5 to 600 regular troops at Plattsburgh, Rome, Canandaigua & c, where those arsenals are, and yet those recruits are now and must be for weeks to come unarmed and unequipped in every respect although within musket Shot of arsenals. The recruits at Plattsburgh are within 50 miles of two tribes of Canadian Indians. In case of an attack upon the Frontiers that portion of the United States army would be as inefficient and unable to defend the inhabitants or themselves even. The Militia Detachments on the Western Frontiers received the news of war with [cherafulness] and determined courage, and I am happy to find they are united late brothers, highly improved in Discipline & ready to devote themselves to any Service or danger which the good of the Country may require. But they are in barracks from which they cannot move a days march for the want of tents and other equipage, and they are in Separate and Independent Detachments without a General Officer to command them or combine their exertions for the accomplishment of any desirable and important object. The only officer of the United States here who can do anything is the Quarter Master General and he has not a tent Camp Kettle or Knapsack in this arsenal except what I have concluded to send off tomorrow morning as above mentioned to furnish men As to Cannon Muskets and Ammunition. I can find now one here who will exercise any authority over them or deliver a Single article upon my requisition. Neither can I find any Officer of the army who feel himself authorized to exercise any authority or do any act which will aid me in the all important object of protecting the Inhabitants of an extended Frontier exposed to the Cruelties of Savages and the depredations of the enemy. If I must rely upon the Militia Solely for Such protection I entreat you to give orders to your Officers to furnish upon my orders, for the use of the Militia Detachments , all needful weapons and articles with which the United States are Supplied and of which we are destitute . You may rely upon all the assistance which my talents, influence or authority can furnish in the active prosecution of the first & necessary way which has been declared by the Constituted Authorities of our beloved Country. I am, Sir, respectfully Your ob. Servt. Daniel D. Tompkins

De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ : Les «Barbares de Nouvelle-France», texte anonyme (1616) édité par Joseph de Jouvency (1710)

Le De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ a toujours été présenté comme un texte rédigé par le jésuite Joseph de Jouvency. Pourtant, une étude plus approfondie montre que certains éléments ne peuvent provenir ni d'un religieux, ni du XVIIIe siècle. On aurait plutôt à faire avec un auteur laïc du début du XVIIe siècle, qui a des informations de première main, puisqu'il est lui-même à Québec. Ce qui en fait un document précieux et un témoin privilégié de l’histoire du début de la Nouvelle-France, bien que traduit et retravaillé par des Jésuites. Jouvency, en l'insérant dans les Historiæ Societatis Jesu, l'a en effet censuré et a ajouté quelques passages au texte original. Quelle est l'opinion du véritable auteur, ce Français vivant à Québec, sur les « Barbares de Nouvelle-France » qu'il rencontre? Une étude du texte montre qu'il dépeint à la fois les bonnes et les mauvaises coutumes des tribus autochtones, nous renseignant ainsi sur l'état des indigènes peu après l'arrivée des premiers véritables colons de la Nouvelle-France. Une traduction française accompagne l'analyse du texte.

Imaginarios y retórica en torno a las fronteras ecuatorianas. (Debates en torno a la cultura)

El «poder republicano» en el Ecuador, durante los siglos XIX y XX ha representado de opuestas maneras el espacio de frontera con Colombia («el hermano del Norte») y con Perú («el enemigo», «Caín de América»), representaciones que han generado discursos de soberanía, cuya función es buscar la construcción de un orden social, la implantación de «leyes» (de la Iglesia, el Estado). Por otro lado, las fronteras, sobre todo surorientales, eran representadas como espacios indeterminados («zonas baldías», ignotas, peligrosas, con una débil o nula presencia estatal), y sus habitantes, como «salvajes». Todo ello generó otro tipo de discursos: los civilizatorios, que buscaban misionar, colonizar y concesionar (esto es, ceder el control de territorios baldíos a compañías e inversionistas extranjeros, para que se hicieran cargo de la explotación de recursos naturales y la administración de los mismos). Si bien las diferencias entre los discursos se difuminan, los imaginarios de los que se parte (en relación con los territorios baldíos y zonas de frontera) se mantienen y reconstituyen durante el siglo XX. Ambos son retóricas que contribuyen al desconocimiento y negación de la realidad de estas zonas.

A França Antártica e a criação de padrões narrativos sobre o Brasil e os brasileiros

O objetivo deste pequeno ensaio é analisar as narrativas derivadas da primeira experiência colonizadora francesa no Novo Mundo, a França Antártica, com o intuito de demarcar em tais escritos certos padrões narrativos acerca da América e dos seus habitantes, os ditos selvagens. Buscaremos demonstrar que tais padrões, estabelecidos de maneira pioneira pelos gauleses, tiveram vida longa nas narrativas posteriores com menções ao Brasil e aos seus habitantes.

O general e os Tapuios: linguagem, raça e mestiçagem em Couto de Magalhães (1864-1876)

O século XIX, mais do que qualquer outra época, experimentou a gestação da maioria de nossos projetos de nação, estruturados a partir da emancipação política da nova pátria. Diversos intelectuais militaram nessa árdua tarefa de desenhar uma nova face de um Brasil com identidade própria, embora calçada sob um viso europeu. Entre esses gestores da nova identidade brasileira, um dos mais importantes foi o General José Vieira Couto de Magalhães (1837-1898), homem de Estado, político do Império e folclorista. Nesta dissertação, busco circunscrever a principal obra de Couto de Magalhães, O Selvagem (1876), nos cânones romântico e evolucionista de sua época, dentro de um projeto de "civilização" dos índios da Amazônia e o conseqüente momento de integração cultural desses povos e seus descendentes à população brasileira. Por mais que a principal justificativa da obra fosse um estudo sobre a incorporação do indígena às atividades rentáveis da economia nacional, o autor acabou por enfatizar a compreensão da língua como estratégia fundamental para atração pacífica das populações tidas então com "selvagens". Transitando entre o inventário racial e a tradução cultural dos grupos indígenas brasileiro, Couto de Magalhães buscava valorizar esse arsenal lingüístico como o mais verdadeiro e autêntico representante da nacionalidade brasileira. A análise é feita no sentido de entender quais os limites da tentativa de tradução que o autor se propôs a fazer das lendas indígenas para o mundo dos brancos, no intuito de legitimar sua escolha do índio como símbolo de nossa identidade.

Heretics /

Introductory remarks on the importance of othodoxy[!]--On the negative spirit.--On Mr. Rudyard Kipling and making the world small.--Mr. Bernard Shaw.--Mr. H. G. Wells and the giants.--Christmas and the s̆thetes.--Omar and the sacred vine.--The mildness of the yellow press.--The moods of Mr. George Moore.--On sandals and simplicity.--Science and the savages.--Paganism and Mr. Lowes Dickinson.--Celts and celtophiles.--On certain modern writers and the institution of the family.--On smart novelists and the smart set.--On Mr. McCabe and a divine frivolity.--On the wit of Whistler.--The fallacy of the young nation.--Slum novelists and the slums.--Concluding remarks on the importance of orthodoxy.

The man-eaters and other odd people : a popular description of singular races of man /

Mode of access: Internet.

Idle days in Patagonia,

"The greatest part of the chapter on 'Sight in savages' appeared originally in Longman's magazine; the chapter entitled 'The plains of Patagonia' is reprinted, with but little alteration, from the Universal review. Of the other twelve chapters contained in this work, six are based on papers which have appeared in various periodicals."

Salvajes y chichimecas: mitos de alteridad en las fuentes novohispanas

Llamamos mitos de alteridad a las creencias y el imaginario tradicionales que un pueblo proyecta en su visión etnocéntrica sobre otros pueblos. Siguiendo la propuesta de Roger Bartra, examinamos una serie de crónicas novohispanas para demostrar que los mitos de alteridad de origen europeo referentes al salvaje influyeron en las descripciones que nos han legado sobre los pueblos indígenas mesoamericanos conocidos como chichimecas. Apuntamos finalmente algunas reflexiones sobre el uso y alcance de dichos mitos de alteridad en relación con la expansión europea por América, y sobre la necesidad metodológica de someter a crítica bajo este prisma la información que nos ofrecen las fuentes disponibles, producidas, después de todo, en pleno proceso de aculturación colonial.