Clouds of Suspicion: Airspace Arrangements, Escalation, and Discord in U.S./NATO-Russian Relations

How have cooperative airspace arrangements contributed to cooperation and discord in the Euro-Atlantic region? This study analyzes the role of three sets of airspace arrangements developed by Euro-Atlantic states since the end of the Cold War—(1) cooperative aerial surveillance of military activity, (2) exchange of air situational data, and (3) joint engagement of theater air and missile threats—in political-military relations among neighbors and within the region. These arrangements provide insights into the integration of Central and Eastern European states into Western security institutions, and the current discord that centers on the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s place in regional security. The study highlights the role of airspace incidents as contributors to conflict escalation and identifies opportunities for transparency- and confidence-building measures to improve U.S./NATO-Russian relations. The study recommends strengthening the Open Skies Treaty in order to facilitate the resolution of conflicts and improve region-wide military transparency. It notes that political-military arrangements for engaging theater air and missile threats created by NATO and Russia over the last twenty years are currently postured in a way that divides the region and inhibits mutual security. In turn, the U.S.-led Regional Airspace Initiatives that facilitated the exchange of air situational data between NATO and then-NATO-aspirants such as Poland and the Baltic states, offer a useful precedent for improving air sovereignty and promoting information sharing to reduce the fear of war among participating states. Thus, projects like NATO’s Air Situational Data Exchange and the NATO-Russia Council Cooperative Airspace Initiative—if extended to the exchange of data about military aircraft—have the potential to buttress deterrence and contribute to conflict prevention. The study concludes that documenting the evolution of airspace arrangements since the end of the Cold War contributes to understanding of the conflicting narratives put forward by Russia, the West, and the states “in-between” with respect to reasons for the current state of regional security. The long-term project of developing a zone of stable peace in the Euro-Atlantic must begin with the difficult task of building inclusive security institutions to accommodate the concerns of all regional actors.

Talking About Time in Russian and Finnish

In this study I look at what people want to express when they talk about time in Russian and Finnish, and why they use the means they use. The material consists of expressions of time: 1087 from Russian and 1141 from Finnish. They have been collected from dictionaries, usage guides, corpora, and the Internet. An expression means here an idiomatic set of words in a preset form, a collocation or construction. They are studied as lexical entities, without a context, and analysed and categorized according to various features. The theoretical background for the study includes two completely different approaches. Functional Syntax is used in order to find out what general meanings the speaker wishes to convey when talking about time and how these meanings are expressed in specific languages. Conceptual metaphor theory is used for explaining why the expressions are as they are, i.e. what kind of conceptual metaphors (transfers from one conceptual domain to another) they include. The study has resulted in a grammatically glossed list of time expressions in Russian and Finnish, a list of 56 general meanings involved in these time expressions and an account of the means (constructions) that these languages have for expressing the general meanings defined. It also includes an analysis of conceptual metaphors behind the expressions. The general meanings involved turned out to revolve around expressing duration, point in time, period of time, frequency, sequence, passing of time, suitable time and the right time, life as time, limitedness of time, and some other notions having less obvious semantic relations to the others. Conceptual metaphor analysis of the material has shown that time is conceptualized in Russian and Finnish according to the metaphors Time Is Space (Time Is Container, Time Has Direction, Time Is Cycle, and the Time Line Metaphor), Time Is Resource (and its submapping Time Is Substance), Time Is Actor; and some characteristics are added to these conceptualizations with the help of the secondary metaphors Time Is Nature and Time Is Life. The limits between different conceptual metaphors and the connections these metaphors have with one another are looked at with the help of the theory of conceptual integration (the blending theory) and its schemas. The results of the study show that although Russian and Finnish are typologically different, they are very similar both in the needs of expression their speakers have concerning time, and in the conceptualizations behind expressing time. This study introduces both theoretical and methodological novelties in the nature of material used, in developing empirical methodology for conceptual metaphor studies, in the exactness of defining the limits of different conceptual metaphors, and in seeking unity among the different facets of time. Keywords: time, metaphor, time expression, idiom, conceptual metaphor theory, functional syntax, blending theory

Elite Bargaining and the Evolution of Centre-Periphery Relations in Post-Soviet Russia : A Comparative Analysis

This work is concerned with presenting a modified theoretical approach to the study of centre-periphery relations in the Russian Federation. In the widely accepted scientific discourse, the Russian federal system under the Yeltsin Administration (1991-2000) was asymmetrical; largely owing to the varying amount of structural autonomy distributed among the federation s 89 constituent units. While providing an improved understanding as to which political and socio-economic structures contributed to federal asymmetry, it is felt that associated large N-studies have underemphasised the role played by actor agency in re-shaping Russian federal institutions. It is the main task of this thesis to reintroduce /re-emphasise the importance of actor agency as a major contributing element of institutional change in the Russian federal system. By focusing on the strategic agency of regional elites simultaneously within regional and federal contexts, the thesis adopts the position that political, ethnic and socio-economic structural factors alone cannot fully determine the extent to which regional leaders were successful in their pursuit of economic and political pay-offs from the institutionally weakened federal centre. Furthermore, this work hypothesises that under conditions of federal institutional uncertainty, it is the ability of regional leaders to simultaneously interpret various mutable structural conditions then translate them into plausible strategies which accounts for the regions ability to extract variable amounts of economic and political pay-offs from the Russian federal system. The thesis finds that while the hypothesis is accurate in its theoretical assumptions, several key conclusions provide paths for further inquiry posed by the initial research question. First, without reliable information or stable institutions to guide their actions, both regional and federal elites were forced into ad-hoc decision-making in order to maintain their core strategic focus: political survival. Second, instead of attributing asymmetry to either actor agency or structural factors exclusively, the empirical data shows that both agency and structures interact symbiotically in the strategic formulation process, thus accounting for the sub-optimal nature of several of the actions taken in the adopted cases. Third, as actor agency and structural factors mutate over time, so, too do the perceived payoffs from elite competition. In the case of the Russian federal system, the stronger the federal centre became, the less likely it was that regional leaders could extract the high degree of economic and political pay-offs that they clamoured for earlier in the Yeltsin period. Finally, traditional approaches to the study of federal systems which focus on institutions as measures of federalism are not fully applicable in the Russian case precisely because the institutions themselves were a secondary point of contention between competing elites. Institutional equilibriums between the regions and Moscow were struck only when highly personalised elite preferences were satisfied. Therefore the Russian federal system is the product of short-term, institutional solutions suited to elite survival strategies developed under conditions of economic, political and social uncertainty.

Counter-terrorism, anti-extremism, armed conflict and human rights: using a Russian case study

This paper critically examines Russia’s compliance with human rights obligations and the rule of law in its ‘war on terror’. It seeks to draw wider parallels with respect for human rights in the framework of the fight against ‘new global terrorism’. Threats to due process, the discriminatory application of the forces of law and order specifically against perceived “non-traditional” Muslim communities, and a ratcheting up of fear of an Islamist threat can be traced following the war in Chechnya and the handling of the Dubrovka Theatre and Beslan school sieges. To what extent are there commonalities with UK complicity in the practice of extraordinary rendition, with atrocities perpetrated in Iraq and Afghanistan, and abuses in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo? Are the impact of these reflected in domestic security policy and British minority ethnic community relations? [From the Author]

Photographing Vladimir Putin: Masculinity, Nationalism and Visuality in Russian Political Culture

This article introduces the study of photographs of politicians as an object of geopolitical analysis. It does this through exploring the holiday photographs of Vladimir Putin released by the Kremlin in 2007, 2009, and 2010. Putin's biography provides a backdrop to a detailed analysis of the geopolitical representations contained in the photographs of him. In the same fashion as other images, the photographs seek to provide a contemporary view of events and, at the same time, serve as a medium through which particular political scripts are narrated. The photographs also help to reproduce (and question) hegemonic discourses about public forms of masculinity in Russia. This article is intended to contribute to the debate on how visual images can help make sense of the geopolitical world

Status and security: how Russian media is spinning airstrikes in Syria

Even before the Russian air force launched its first strikes over Syria, there was already a Russian presence on the battleground. These were not the spetsnaz, Kremlin’s special forces, but war correspondents from the leading Russian media outlets. This was as clear a sign as any that the Russia’s priority has shifted from Ukraine, where these reporters spent most of the past 18 months, to Syria.

There is, however, no unanimity on Russia’s latest escalation in Syria. As Russian state TV stations report successes of Russia’s high-precision weapons projecting an image of a high-tech Russian military equal to the US, doubts persist about the latest adventure in the Middle East.

At the end of the day: Macmillan's account of the Cuban missile crisis

Pre-publicity for the final volume of Harold Macmillan’s memoirs, At the End of the Day, stressed that it would provide the British side of the Cuban missile crisis for the first time. The Churchillian model chosen, changes required by the Cabinet Office and Macmillan’s desire to rebuke those political opponents who claimed that the crisis demonstrated a lack of British influence in Washington, however ensured a focus on his personal relationship with President Kennedy. His larding the text with contemporary observations from his diaries also skewed Macmillan’s account and, in particular, underplayed the significance of British moves at the United Nations in New York to secure a credible United Nations inspection regime and a US guarantee of the inviolability of Cuba. Careful reconstruction of Macmillan’s real-time experience of the Cuban missile crisis demonstrates the limitations of his own account of this event

Les relations internationales soviétiques à l’ère de la sécurité collective : étude comparée de l’historiographie et de manuels de Cégep

Ce mémoire se veut être un alliage de connaissances historiques théoriques et de leur mise en application dans un contexte académique de niveau collégial. L’objet principal est de comparer l’historiographie savante, écrite par des historiens chercheurs, au contenu de quatre manuels de Cégep, rédigés par des pédagogues de formation historienne, à propos des relations internationales soviétiques à l’ère de la sécurité collective.

«The Soviet cannot be trusted» : les relations diplomatiques entre l’URSS et la Grande-Bretagne dans les années 1920.

Ce mémoire tente de présenter l’état des relations diplomatiques entre la Russie soviétique, puis l’Union des républiques socialistes soviétiques (URSS) à partir de 1922, et la Grande-Bretagne entre 1920 et 1927, à travers les documents du Foreign Office britannique. Pour cela, il présente le retour progressif des relations officielles entre les deux pays sous la gouverne du premier ministre britannique Lloyd George, de 1916 à 1922, et la mise en place d’une politique britannique à l’égard du gouvernement soviétique. Il tente ensuite d’établir les politiques des différents gouvernements qui suivent celui de Lloyd George, et de voir si ces politiques marquent une rupture avec la politique du gouvernement de Lloyd George ou si, au contraire, il existe une continuité dans ces politiques, malgré le changement de gouvernement. L’hypothèse principale que nous soutenons est que malgré les changements de gouvernements entre 1920 et 1927, la politique de la Grande-Bretagne restera identique durant toute la période, et ce malgré les différents gouvernements britanniques qui vont se succéder : un gouvernement d’union, deux gouvernements conservateurs et le premier gouvernement travailliste. Nous croyons que la prétendue « propagande soviétique » sera l’une des lignes directrices des relations entre les deux pays pendant la période étudiée, lignes établies par Lloyd George et son gouvernement au début de 1920. Nous soutenons également que cette « propagande » sera le pivot des relations entre les deux pays, et qu’elle sera un frein constant dans l’établissement de relations normalisées avec l’Union soviétique. Nous croyons que cette propagande entraînera une « paranoïa » de la part du gouvernement britannique qui, pendant toute la période que nous étudions, passera tout son temps à se plaindre au gouvernement soviétique de « sa » propagande, entraînant finalement la rupture des relations en 1927.

Rhetorics and Practices of Modernisation in Russian Industry: a Reflective Analysis of Organisational Cultures in Transition

This research was based on the results of a case study of a large confectionery factory in the Russian city of Samara. The concept of paternalism is clear in many features of the life of Russian enterprises, including the rhetoric and strategy of the management, relationships within the labour force and the stereotypical expectations of workers. The concept also has a much wider bearing, embracing the spheres of state policy, the social, and family relationships, that is every sphere of social life in which the patriarchal, communal, stereotyped way of thinking of the Soviet people is reproduced. A substantial proportion of the state's role in providing social protection for the population is carried out through enterprises. In spite of low salaries and the absence of career opportunities, female workers were as strongly attached to the enterprise as to their homes. Romanov's research showed how the development of capitalism in industries in Russia is destroying the cultural and social identities of female workers and is contributing to gender inequality. Interpersonal relations are becoming increasingly utilitarian and distant and the basic features of the patriarchal type of administrative control are becoming blurred. This control is becoming more subtle, but gender segregation is preserved in the new framework and indeed becoming more obvious, being reproduced both at the departmental level and in the hiring policy of the enterprise as a whole.

Intergenerational support: A comparison between Russian and German adult daughters

The aim of this study is a Russian-German cross-cultural comparison of the actual support and the readiness for support that adult daughters give to their parents as well as of the conditions for this support. Compared to Russia, Germany can be characterized by a more individualistic value system and a fully developed social-welfare system. Therefore, the extent of intergenerational support should be less in Germany than in Russia. Furthermore, the study attempts to test if the support-related differences between the two countries are mediated by differences in cultural values. The participants were German and Russian adult daughters who at the same time were mothers of adolescent children. The cross-cultural comparisons showed that compared to their German counterparts, Russian adult daughters reported more current support as well as a higher readiness for future support. These differences were mediated through a higher emotional interdependence (intimacy) of the Russian adult daughters, as well as through their considerably higher family values and norm-oriented motives for support. The results are discussed with regard to theoretical approaches regarding parent-child relations and the culture-specific meaning of intergenerational support in Russia and Germany.

Estats de l'Empire du grand Seigneur des Turcs en Europe, en Asie, et en Afrique divisé en tous ses Beglerbeglicz ou Gouvernements; où sont aussi remarqués les Estats qui luy sont tributaires: dressé sur les plus nouvelles relations à l'usage de Monseigneur le Duc de Bourgogne

par son très humble et très obéisant Serviteur H. Iaillot.

The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. OSW Commentary No. 131, 28.03.2014

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian officials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as specifically understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hitherto only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Specifically, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad. This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justification for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.